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SRI 
VENKATESWARA UNIVERSITY 

O lENTAL JOU NAL 

TIRUPATI 




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S^^' 



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s*j:T^A*»".*'iîAA'***''^* "' 




EDITOR 

Prof. J. CHENNA REDDY, M.A.,Ph.D. 
Dîrector^ Oriental Research Institute 



oi XVII 



JANUARY-DECEMBER, 1974 



PARTS 1 & 2 



CONTENTS 
ENGLISH 

i. Ahalys^s Episode - Its Différent Versions 

— Prof. T. Kodandaramaiali ... 1 

2. Pancasikha 

— - Sri D. Satyanarayana .,. 15 

5. Theft in Dharmasastra 

— Dr. R. S. Betai — 23 

4. The Rhyme in Sanskrit Literature 

— Arati Mitra ... 35 

5. A Comparative Study of the Social Ctistoms of Ben gai 
and Mithila as recorded in the Works of Raghunandana 
and Vàcaspaîi Misra 

— Dr. Bani Chakravorthy ... 45 

6. Influence of Telugu on Sanskrit 

— Dr. P. Sriramamurtî ... 53 

7. The Two Sects in South Indian Vaisnavism 

— Dr. N. Subbu Reddiar ... 57 

8. Vednntadesîka and SimhabhUpSIa 

— - Sri K. N. Srinivasan ... 71 

9. Mountaîns and River s of South îndia as provided in the 
Skandapurana 

— Dr. Umakant Thakur ... 19 

10. Kâkaîalïya - A Grammatical Analysis by Bhartrhari 

— Sri Mithilesh Chaturvedi ... 93 

//. The Tamil Society of the Sangam Age 

— Prof. V. Perumal ... 101 

12. On èulapafpi - The Interpréter of the Yajnavalkya Smrtî 

— Dr. S. G. Moghe ... 113 



11 

15. MiSCELLANEOUS : 

(!) A Note on Ândhra Paînters 

— Sri H. V. Ramagopal ... 12 

(îî) Lakkanna Danâanayaka 

— Sri B. V. Srinivasa Rao ... 12 

(în) A Note an Bharîrmîtra the Mtmamsaka 

— Dr. Biswanath Bhattacharya ... 13: 

SANSKRIT 
— Dr. V. Krislîîiaswan'iy lyengar .„ 1 

~ Dr. Sushama Kulshreshtha ... 23 

TELUGU 

— Sri K. J. Krishna Moorthy ... i 

HINDI 

— Dr. Chandhraprakash Agarwal ... l 



PROF, r. KODANDARAMAIAH 
AHALYA'S EPISODE - ITS DIFFERENT VERSIONS 



Ahaîya's épisode appears in the Bâla kânda of Vàlmîki's great 
epic, Râmâyana. The same has been repeated in the Uttarakanda 
also. The first one aims at the extinction of Ahaîya's sin. The second 
relates to the remedy of the sin coramitted by Indra, the lord of heavens. 
The story of Ahalya attracted many a poet and in their attempt to 
narrate the same in their own way we find différent versions. The 
names of the cliaracters connected with this épisode and a référence to 
the thème are first to be seen in the Taittîrïya ïïranyaka, While invit- 
ing Indra to the sacrifice, hc is addressed in it as follows : 

Indragaccha Hariva agaccha MèdhatHheh 
Mesavrsanâsvasya mené 
Gauravaskandînn ahalyâyaîjara 
Kausîka brahmana Gauîama bruvâna 

Slyana's commentary to this hymn is as follows : 

Indra! who is otherwise called Hari and who possesses a horse 
by name Hari ! You are welcome to the Sacrifice. Please corne. Indra 
who possesses Medhatithi, the son of Kanva as the arrow and who loved 
Menaka, the daughter of Vrsanâsva î Please do come to the sacrificial 
hall putting on the guise of a white deer [Gaura mrga). 

Tne commentary does net supply any vedic meaning to the term 
^Ahalyâyaîjara' in the hymn. 

BhattaBhâskara's bhasya for the same hymn can be translated 
as follows : 

Indra! who is responsible for the création of the universaî sounds 
that form the vocabulary or who possesses the greatness which cannot 
be described in words î You hâve come to the Sdge Medhatithi. 

733--1 



S.V. UNIVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 



Youhave approached the wife of Gautama as débaucher. You hâve 

enlightened Kauéika in the guise of a brahmin. z^ 

In this commentary, the terni 'Ahalyâyaîjâra' is explained to 
mean one who is responsible for the evolutioîi of speech, 'Vskparinama-- 
kïïraka, The word Gaurâ is explained as Gautamadarâ the wife of 
Gautama, by uniting the first and the last syllables of the compound. 
We find the names of the characters such as Gautama, Ahalyl, Indra, 
Ahalyâjâra, Mësavrsana and Kausika connected with the Ahalyl's 
épisode in the above hymn. The conceaîcd story found in the Vedas 
attâined a beautiful and complète shape in the Râmayana by Connecting 
h to the hero of the epic, Rama. He not only purifies Ahalya as is seen 
in Râmayana, but aiso gives a sort of completeness to the story. In 
the Bâta kânda, Ahaîya's épisode is narrated at length by the sage, 
Visvàmitra, to Rama. After protecting the sacrifice of Visvâmitra 
from the evil forces, Rima and Laksmana followed Visvàmitra to the 
great city, Mithilâ, witnessing on the way the marvellous beautiesof 
nature and listening to the utterances of advice of Visvàmitra, They 
reached the outskirts of Mithilâ. There they saw an old but beautiful 
hermitage inhabited by none. That vi^as the âsrama of the sage Gau- 
tama. Râma was inquisitive to know about the story connected with it. 
Then Kausika narrâtes the story to him. 

Gautama was a great sage, Ahalya was his wife She was very 
beautiful. The sage was engaged himself in performing a great penance. 
Several years passed away. When Gautama was away from his âsrama, 
Indra came there in îiis guise. He wished to hâve sexual intercourse 
with hen She replied that it was not the menstrual period to hâve 
such a thing. Indra told that kâmalola, a man of lust, would not 
wait for the menstrual period to corne. She knew that he was Indra. 
She complied with his request, in the désire to satisfy the lord of 
heavens. She was very happy that she had highest enjoyment witb him 
and expressed her gratitude to him. She requested him to save the 
interests of both. Indra simply laughed away and did not reply. He 
was afraid that Gautama would return home. He came out of the 
âsrama, Gautama came there. He had his morning bath in the 
sacred waters and was carrying the samit and kusa in his hand for the 
sacrificial fire. He was glooming like a fire. On seeing the sage 
enteringthe âsrama, Indra feared much and became pale. Gautama 
raged with anger He cursed him to become a 'viphala' which meant 
that he would be deprivedof his testicles. The word of the sage did 
hâve its effect, He also cursed bis wife, Ahalya. He cursed that she 
would live on air alone without taking any food whatsoever, and lie 
unseen on the ashes for thou&ands of years, He also told the termination 
of his ourse. Râma would corne to those forests. She would be 
purified on his arrivai to that place. After having extendcd her hosi^î- 



AHALYÀ'S EPISODE - ITS DIFFERENT "VERSIONS 3 

taliîy to him she would gQt ont of the duchés of lobha and moka, the 
désire and the lust. Then she woiïM regain her former place by his 
sîde and she would be happy for ever. After having cursed his wife, 
Gautama left for the Himâlayas. Indra was successful in obstrucîing 
the penance of Gautama thus, which he did in the interest of the 
devas, bat due to the curse of Gautama, he lost his testicles and they 
wjre replaced by those of a goat. He was called 'MesuVrssna' one 
who possessed the testicles of a goau from that day onwards. 

Kausika narrated the story to Rama and asked him to step into 
the âsrama in order to purify Ahaîya. Rama entered the âsrama. 
Brahmâ wished to create a most beautifuî lady on the earth and Ahalyâ 
was created by him with great effort. She was not visible then due to 
the curse of Gautama, The effect of his curse waned away at the 
appearance of Rama on the scène. Ahalyâ stood before them in her 
original form with ail her beauty. Both Râma and Laksmana bowed to 
her. She extended her hospitality to them. Gautama came back 
from the Himâlayas. The couple, Ahalyâ and Gautama, worshipped 
Râma. Then Rama started for Miîhilà. The couple lived happily for 
the rest of their life. 

The story of Ahalyâ that is found in the Viîarakânda of Râmâ- 
ycna seems to be a supplément to that of the Baîakanda. 

Brahma released Indra from Indrajit who took him as a captive 
and lied him with ropes. Indra was ail in shame and lost ail his divine 
cnarm. It was the resuit of Gautama's curse. Brahmâ ridiculed him 
that he had to expérience ail that, having indulgcd in an act of sin 
without minding the conséquences. He reminded Indra, who was 
already feeling a lot for his defeat at the hands of Indrajit, about his 
past deeds. The narration of Brahmâ goes as foîlows : 

Brahmâ created rnany human beings in the world. AU of them 
had the same colour, complexion and form without any distinction. 
They spoke only one language. What charm will be there in such a 
Society? So, as a triai^ for variety sake, He desired to create one lady 
of extra-ordinary beauty. He drew the most handsome part found in 
varions human beings and created a lady cf extra-ordinary physical as 
well as mental features. He named her as Ahalyâ. Hah meant a 
disform. Halya mcant disformity. One who was devoid of disformity 
was Ahalyâ and thus Brahma expîained the name that was given to his 
new création Brahm^a was in a fix to whom she should be given in 
marriage. Indra wished to hâve her for himself because of the highest 
position that he occupied. But Brahmâ entrusted her to the care of 
Gautama, the great sage. Several years passed by. Gautama stood to 
the test of Brahmâ. Brahmâ was vcry nuich pleased with the strong 

733-^1* 



4 S.V, UNIVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

wiîl and steadfastness of the sage and aîso with his achievements of 
penance. He made her his wife, The rfeF^^ were very muchdisappointed. 
Indra was envious of Gaiitama. He fell in love with Ahalya and wooed 
her. She was also inclined and he enjoyed in her company, Gautama, 
knowing about this, cursed him. He cursed that Indra wouid be taken 
as a captive in tbe war by his enemy. Henceforth îhc mortals would 
indulge much in debauchery without fear or favour, while half of the 
sin due to the possession of illicit connection wiîh anoîher man's wife 
wonîd go to the person who indulged in such an act, the other half 
wonld go to Indra. The position of Indra would not be stable hence- 
forth and whoever becaroe Indra, he would norbe there in that position 
for long. He cursed Ahalya as follows ; 'Having been deprived of your 
beauty, you will lie in the asrama for thousands of years lamenting 
for your sinfnî act. The beauty that made you swerve from the righteous 
path will hereafter be common to ail buman beings. Rama will release 
you from the effects of the curse'. 

As a resuit of this curse Ahalya bcame a rock and was eagerly 
awaiting the arrivai of Râma performing a sort of penance. The human 
beings attained extra-ordinary beauty. Indra performed the Vaisnava 
sacrifice and adorned the throne of the heavens. 

In the aforesaid story of Uttarakcmda, the folîowing points are to 
be noted : The etymoîogy of the word Ahalya, the circumstances or the 
manner in which Ahalya became the wife of Gautama, the séries of 
curses made to Ahalya and Indra, the direct and indirect conséquences 
of the curses being indulgence of the people in illégal relationship with 
others' wives and the women*s attaintment of beauty. 

Indra being deprived of his testicles which appears in Bàlakânda 
and Ahalya becoming a rock which finds a place in the Uttarakânda of 
the Rïïmâyana attracted many later poets. 

In Vâlmîki's Kâmayana we do not find the incident stating that 
Indra took the guise of a cock and crowed in the asrama, even bcfore 
the dawn, so that Gautama leaves for the river to perform his morning 
rîtes after taking a bath in the holy waters as îs mentioned in some 
of the later works. Indra becoming a Sahasraksa as a resuit of 
Gautama's curse is also not to be seen in Vâlmîkî Ramayatia, In the 
Adhyâîma Ramâyana {k.'D. fifth century) Gautama curses Indra that 
he would bccome ' Sahasrabhagavàn ' - one who possesses thousand- 
bhagas which appear to others only as eyes. Gautama curses Ahalya 
that she would lie like a rock in his asrama. 

In the Ananda Ramâyana it îs stated that Gautama took posfts- 
sion of Ahalya after going round the two-faced cow {Dvimukhi G5|'|î| 



AHALYA'S EPISODE - ITS DIFFERENT VERSIONS 5 

pradaksifta. When a cow bringsforth the calf, the head of the cow will 
be one side while the head of the calf will be facing the opposite direc- 
tion. Ahalya becoming a jock and Indra becoming a Sahasraksa are 
also there in the Ananda RamSyctia. Another version is aîso found in 
the same work in which it is stated that when Ahalyâ was iïowing like a 
river, Rama pulled her up while he was residing in the forests. 

In the Padmapurâna Ahalyâ attaining the state of a rock due to 
Gautama's curse is mentioned. 

We find the Ahalyâ's épisode in the ancient work Vatsyayana's 
Kamasutras (a.d. Second century) also id which the illicit relationship 
that Ahal_ya had with Indra is described. Jayamangala, the commentary 
on Vatsyayana's Knmasûtras furnishes a strange story about Ahalyâ the 
source of which is not to be traced. The story runs as follows : 

Indra loves Ahalyâ, goes to Gautama's asrama and enjoys in her 
Company Gautama cornes back to the sirama. Then Ahalyâ, knowing 
that her husband has corne, conceals Indra in her womb {garbha) 
Gautama goes along with his wife, Ahalyâ. to the hermitage of another 
sage who invited him for dinner. The sage came to know about the 
présence of Indra also at that place with the help of his yogic vision 
- {Yoga netra) and orders that three seats are put. Gautama suspects and 
learnmg about the secret, curses Ahalyâ. Indra was henceforth called 
Ahalyajarâ-k lustrous person who had illégal connection with Ahalyâ 
The source from which the commentator got the version is not knowgi^". 

alsn Th?r ^f ^"^^"^ t° this épisode in some of the Sanskrit dramas 
also. The Mrcchakatika refers to this in the following lines : 

' Yadvad ahalyâ hetoh mrsàvadasi àakra Gautamo'smiti ' 
this : ^^^ ^<^"°wi»g line in the Prabodhacandrodaya also mentions about 
' Ahalyàyaijàrâs surapatir abhût ' 
Thus both Ahalyâ and Indra were targets of ridicule for long 

thmgs also about the family life of Ahalyâ and Gautama. The Brah- 
mandapurana is one such. Brahmâ created Ahalyâ to excel in beautv 

o t"hct.e"G ^^""^"L'^f •-• She was engaged in doing serv I 
to the sage, Gautama. Indra and the other devas intended to marry 
.tlnni /^^ ^ere competing with each other to win her hand. Brahmâ 
he wôn H h ^ ^t"'^"'^".*^ »hem that whocver went round the earth first, 
he would hâve her as h,s wife. Indra and the other devas were racine 

and said that u was equal to going round the earth. Ahalyâ became 



6 '■ " 'S»'V. UNIVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURNAL ■; 

his wîfe and sîie lived a happy life wîth him. In Puranas like Siva^ 

Brahma and Varâha tlie greatness of Gautama was described at length. 

Wîien tliere was a dreadful famine in the countr}^ boîh Ahalyâ an d 

Gautama fed the people and rescued them from the horrors of the 

drought. Tlie other sages and brahmins were envious of the couple. 

They created a fake cow and made iî graze in the Gautama's akrama. 

It died there. The brahmins found fault vvich Gautama forhaving 

kiîled the sacred cow. In order îo g^l rid of îhe sin that he committed 

in caosing the death of the sacred cow, Gautama made Ganga to descend 

on earth. Gangâ was henceforth called Gauîamî. ît was also caîled 

Godâvarî as it made the cow to corne to life again. In the Asvamedha 

parva of the great Mahâbâraîa, Udanka is stated to be the disciple of 

Gautama and married their daughter. He also strived hard to secure 

the ear-rings of Madayanti, which, his guru's wifè, Ahalyâ, wished to 

hâve. 

AHALYÂ'S EPISODE IN TELUGU LITERATURE 

The Ramayana has been rendered into Telugii by many a great 
poet and is still being rendered into it, many in an elaborate manner, 
whiîe a few are in an abridged form. Ahalya's épisode finds a place 
in aîl thèse works. 

The épisode that is found in the Bâiakanda of the Bliaskara 
Ramayana (tweifth century) has its origin in îho' Va/mîki Ramayana, 
Thdugh it déviâtes sHghtîy in mentionîng about Aha^yâ's state of lyi'ng 
like a rock, it faithfully follows the original in ail oiher aspects. The 
Rahganatha Ramayana (thirteenth century) seems to aim at pleasing the 
public sentiment as its great hero, Rima, does. We; find two versions 
of the épisode in this work, one in the Balakanda mxà the other in the 
Uttarakan^a. In the version that is found in the Balakanda, we hâve 
aîl that that. we find in Vaïmikî Râmâyùna^ Bésides, we hâve two more 
additions in it. It mentions about Indra's crowing in the Gautama's 
ëkrama in the guise of a cock and also Ahalya's state of lying like a 
rock in thehermitage, The story that is found in ihe Uitarakânda of 
this work îs quite différent and will be dealt with at length/îater. 
Kummari Molla (sixteenth century) described the story in a very brief 
manner, ^hat too in three verses. She did not even mention the name 
ofAhalya. She merely said that a beautiful lady appeared before 
them when the dust in the foot of Râma touched a rock. The Dvîpada^ 
ramay afia of Kattâ Varadarâja Kavi followed the story that is found 
in the Bâïakïïnda of Vâlmîki. But hère too, Ahalyl becomes a rock 
due to the cursa of Gautama. It will not be oui of place if we make a 
mention about two Ramajanas that were written in the présent century. 
One of them is ihtjatha Vàlmîki Ramayana of Vâvilikolanu Subba Rao 
whoîs knownas Andhra Vâlmiki. ïn the Vttarakanda oï his work. 



AHALYÂ'S EPISODE -ITS DIFFERENT VERSIONS 7 

he cleverly avoided Ahalyâ's state of lying îîke a rock as is found in its 
couîîterpart of Vâlmîki. Perhaps he might hâve thought that it was a 
later interpolation. Thus he succeeded in achieving a simiîarity of 
events in the stories of the Balakanda and the Uttaraksnda. The 
other work thatis worth mentioned hère is the Ramâyana Kalpavrksamu 
of Kavisamrât Visvanâtfaa Satyanârayana, the Jnânapîth award winner 
of 1971. He tried in his renowned work to ahieve a harmonious blend- 
ing of the versions that are found in both Bâïa and Uttarakandas of 
Vâlmîki. While he folJowed the ancient poets in describing the story, 
he gave due considération to the popular tradition also. His own créa- 
tions are also therel He described the story in the Ahalyâkhanda 
of his work in sixty verses, ^ . , 

'# 

Just like one puts on a piîâmhara, the golden garment, while 
going to a liquor shop, ïndra while going to meet Ahalyà puts on the guise 
of the sage. Ahalyà recognises him to be Indra, the lord of heavens. 
She asks him to g^i out of the âsrama and tells him that it is dangerous 
for both if Gautama happens to see thera. Indra was allinlust. He 
could not control himself. He begged of her to give him her company. 
She too developed a fanciful love towards him and so her désire tooflared 
up. But she asked him *Is this the proper time for it? ît is not dawn, 
Has the cock crowed?' Indra caught the due. He went back very 
happily, only to corne again in the dawn. He was waiting with great 
difficulty for the night to pass. But he was impatient as the time was 
pacing so slowly. He crowed like a cock in the Gautama*s asrama. 
Gautama came out of the hermitage. He saw Indra standing before him 
at the gâte looking very pale like the réfection in a soiled mirror. 
Gautama knew his intention and cursed both Indra and Ahalyà. The 
poeî cleverly avoided any sexual intercourse to happen between Ahalyà 
and Indra. They were cursed only for their impurity of thought and 
speech. Gautama's character is depicted in a most superb manner ïn 
this work. 

The Uttarakanda of the Ramayana was separately rendered into 
Telugu by a few poets and it was named as Vtî ara Ramayana, The 
poet who dealt with it first, was Tikkana (thirteenth century) and he 
'^dispensed with Ahalyâ's épisode in only one verse. Kankanti Papa 
Raja Kavi, though followcd Vâlmîki's version to a great extent, did 
give credeRçe to the popular version also in his Uîtara Ramâyona. In 
his work,- Indra crows like a cock in the midnight and putting on the 
guise of Gautama he meets Ahalyà in her hermitage, while Gautama 
was away to the river thinking that it was dawn Gautama came back 
and cursed ïndra that he would be takcn a captive by his enemy and 
thus hisprideof valour would bc subdued. He cursed Ahalyà that 
she would lie like a rock. 



8 S.V. UNIVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURNAL' 

Thiîs Ahalya's épisode was described at length by several poets. 
Except in a few^ with regards to some miîior détails, the story is the 
same. But we find quite a new and strange version in the Uttarak^^4^ 
of the Rahganâîha Ramayana, the source of which is not quite familiar- 
The version that îs found in that part of the work is as folîows : 

Brahma created the most beautiful ladyj Ahalyi, The lords of 
the eight diiections wished to marry her. But she was given in marri âge 
to Gautama. Indra tried to win her love and succeeded in his attempt to 
àave sexual intercourse with her. Knowing about this, Gautama cursed 
Indra that he would become a Sahasraksa, a person with thousand eyes. 
He was equally angry with his wife, Ahalya and wouid hâve burnt her to 
ashes with his curse, but for the intervention of Brahma. Brahma came to 
her rescue. He asked Gautama to excuse her mistakes twice, in due regard 
to his elderly advice. Gautama had to heed to the advice of Brahîna, 
his own father-in-Iaw. The great Vali was born to Ahalya by IndXB. 
Some years hâve passed. In due course Anjanà was born to both Ahalya 
and Gautama. When Ahalya bathed after menstruation, she was aU 
beautiful. The Sun-God casted his eye on her and wooed her. She 
reciprocated his love. On learnîng about this, Gautama cursed the 
Sun-God to be devoured by Râhu every time there was an éclipse. Hc 
excused the sinful act of Ahalya for the second time also in accordance 
with the Word given to Brahma. Sugriva was born to Ahalya by the 
Sun-God. Indra*s désire to hâve Ahaîyâ gained momentum once agaîn- 
He came again. This time he crowed like a cock. Gautama went to 
Ganges, thinking that it dawned. Indra went into the hermitage and 
enjoyed in the company of Ahalya. The little girl^ ASjana, who was 
in the hermitage reported to her father, Gautama, on his arrivai what 
had bappened in the âsrama during his absence. Gautama cursed Indra 
that he would be deprived of his testicles and as a reçoit, by the replace- 
ment of the same by those of a goat he became Mesavrsana. Ahalylî 
was cursed to lie like a rock in the asrama. 

The same version as above îs found in the VtcUra Ramayatt^a by 
Gopinâtha Kavi also. In the Samîrakumâravijaya, a contemporary 
work to the above, the above version is described at length in the nrtost 
beautiful manner» 

A poet, by name Dharanidêvula Ramamantri, in his work called 
Dasàvatûracarîtra described the story of Rama, one of the avatàras of 
Lord Visnu. But he utilised the major part of his REmacarita to 
described the love épisode of Ahalya and Indra. It appears as if he has 
written Raraa's story, onîy to describe Ahalya's épisode. Such was the 
prominence that was given to the Ahalya's story by him in his Ramava-^ 
taracaritramu. 



AHALYÂ'S EPISODE - ITS DIFFERENT VERSIONS 9 

The Telugu poets who wrote Works of erotic sentiment tried to 
create opportunities for themselves to refer to the illégal relationship of 
Ahalyâ and Indra. ïn the Kridâbhirâma of the great poeî SrînStha, the 
cocks were addressed as- Ahalyâjàra yabhana hetuvulâra ! - which means 
^01 cocks! who made possible for Indra to hâve sexiial intercourse 
with Ahaîyl'. 

Ahalyâ is the most important character in Râmâyana and she 
occupies a most significant place also in it. The great monkey-kings Vali 
and Sugrîva, Satânanda, the royal purohit of the sage-king Janaka who 
played a prominent rôle in the Râmâyana, were the sons of Ahalyâ- 
Aijaneya, the great hero of Râmâyana was Ahalyâ's grandson through 
Aijanâ. 

^î^^^^^he story of Ahalyâ referred to in the Vedas took a concrète shape 
in the Râmâyana of Vâlmîki and gradually grew into prominence in the 
middle âges with différent versions. During the Madurai Nâyak period, 
an independent work by name Âhalyâsankrandanamu was written with 
the love épisode of Ahalyâ and Indra as its thème by Samukham Venkata 
Krsnappa Nâyaka, a general-poet who flourished in the court of Vijaya- 
ranga Cokkanatha (eighteenth century). It is a work of three cantos 
and is mostly erotic, quite in tune with the social conditions of his 
times. wû 

^ The foUowing is the summary of the story that is described in the 
poem in three hundred and fifty verses. 

King Janamejaya puts a question to Vaisampàyana thus : Ahalyâ 
was Gautama's wife, How did it happen that she loved Indra? How 
was she released from the curse of her husband ?. Vaiiampâyana tried 
to explain in reply to his question and narrated to him the love story of 
Ahalyâ and Safikrandana. 

Indra was having his court in Sudharma in the great city of 
Amarâvatî. Devas, the lords of the eight directions, sages, cakra- 
vartins, divine damsels and many others were there in the court. He 
put a question in the assembly to tell him who was the most beautiful and 
talented among the damsels that assembled there. Everybody pleaded 
in his own way and there was conflict of opinions. They could not 
décide and left the décision to Indra himself Indra, in turn, told them 
that Brahnaâ alone was compétent in the matter and took them ail to 
him to hâve the doubt cleared, Brahmà asked Indra the reason for their 
arrivai. On knowing about the reason of their arrivai he told them that 
he was not satisfied with them ail and substantiated his statement with 
his arguments. Then he created the most beautiful lady on fearth with 



10 S,V. UNIVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

ail îhe good éléments drawn from things of his own création. It was 
Ahaîyâ. The devas were aîl in appréciation of her beaiity. Indra 
wanted to hâve her for himseif. But Brahma turned down his request 
and put her in rhe care of Gautaraa in whose steadfastness he had much 
confidence. Ahalyâ was taken to Gautama's àsrama and she was 
engaged in the service of the great sage. Indra returned to Amaravati 
with ali his retinue and he was ail in love with Ahalyâ. He suffered 
much from the pangs of séparation for her, After some time Brahma, 
having been pleased much with the steadfastness and strong wiîl of 
Gautama, gave Ahalyâ in marriage to him. But Ahalyâ w^as loving 
Indra in her heart of hearts from the day that she saw him. She envied the 
fortune of Saci to bave the great Indra as her husband. Her mind was 
wavering between dharma and adhrama. She could not décide about 
the right path. Indra, on the other hand^ could not bear the séparation 
in spite of many remédies and came to Gautama's asrama to bave some 
soiace. He was making fréquent visits in the pretext of paying respects 
to the great sage. When Gautama was away from the asrama Indra 
came there and made some advances. Ahalyâ's désire for Indra came to 
the uppermost of her heart and she reciprocated his love. They had a 
conversation in which they exchanged their love with each other and 
they could not venture further. After a few days a lady-messengerj, 
Yogîm, came from Indra. She met Ahaîyâ ïn the asrama and described 
Indra's sorrowful state on account of her séparation and explained the 
extent of love that he had for her. She aiso described the greatness of 
Indra. She pleaded that Gautama was not at ail a suitabie match for 
her. Ahalyâ first pretended to convince her that she was not that type 
of a woman, but the Yoginî was not disheartened. She tried further to 
convince her. She told that Indra was her natural husband from the 
time of her birth and proved it on the strength of the mantras, chanted 
at the time of marriage. Ahalyâ yielded to her pressures. The Yoginî 
prepared the ground for ïndra's further advancements and went back to 
Indra to report to him the success of her mission. That night, Gautama 
was resting on the bed. Ahalyâ was raging with passion. Under the 
pretext of pressing his feet she scratched him with her nail indicating to 
him her désire. But Gautama reminded her that the menstrual perîod 
was already over and that it was a sîn to indulge in sex. She was much 
disappointed and thought for a while that Indra would havesatisfied her 
désire better knowing her mind. Indra thought that he could not hâve 
hîs désire fulfilled if he did not venture. He came to the asrama and 
crowed like a cock. Gautama went to the Ganges. Indra entered the 
asrama in the guise of the sage. Ahalyâ suspected that somebody else 
had corne there in her husband's guise. Indra made her understand 
that it was he that stood before her in that guise. They had sexual 
intercoufse to their fuîl satisfaction. Indra took leave of her and was 
cdïning out of the asrama. When Gautama came back and knowing 



AHALYÂ'S EPISODE - ITS DIFFERENT VERSIONS 11 

about his sinful act, he cursed him that he wouldbe deprived of his testi- 
cles. Ahaîyâ came there with water to wash his feet. He refused to 
hâve anything from her and cursed that she would lie like a rock in the 
asrama She fell on his feet and begged pardon of him. Gautama, out 
of compassion towards her, told that she would be released of her curse 
when the dust in the sacred feet of Râma touched the rock and he left for 
Hiraâlayas. Afteralong time, Rama came to the âsrama on the way to 
Mithilâ along with Visvâmitra and Laksmana and Ahaîyâ was released 
from the curse and stood before him. Gautama also came there. Râma 
bowed to them. Gautama sang in praise of Râma with dévotion. 
Ahaîyâ and Gautama lived happily the rest of their life. 

Indra holding the court in Sudharmâ and discussing about 
the most beautiful lady on the earth, the introduction of a new charac- 
ter, Yogîni, to médiate between them, Indra^'s calculated attempts to 
hâve his désire fullfilled and the description of their pangs of sépara- 
tion are innovations found in this work. 

The Ahalyâsahkrandanavilasa of Sangamésvara Kavi which came 
later was satisfied with the description of their love only and did not 
make any mention of the curses that they had and their rédemption»^ 
There are a few Yaksaganas (Opéras) also which describe this épisode. 
Ahalyâsankrandana nâtaka of Nadella Purusottama Kavi and another 
of Pinagandla Rama Kavi are also to be mentioned in this connection. 
The YaksagSna by name 'Indrâhalyâvîlâsamu' by Dharanikôta Subrah- 
mnya Ravi is a famus work of this thème. It seems that there is a 
Sanskrit drama also by name Ahalyâsankrandana, but it is not available. 

In the Ahalyà's épisode of the Râmëvamra caritam^ otherwise 
known as Kamba Ramàyana in Tamil, the great Kamban tried to make 
amends to the characterisation of Ahaîyâ. He had high esteeni to 
the chastity of women and so he treated Ahalyâ's character in a diffé- 
rent manner. Indra was in love with Ahalya. He came to Gautama's 
asrama in the guise of the sage. She never suspected and took him 
to be Gautama, her husband himself. He made advances towards her 
and succeded in having sexual intercourse with her. She noticed in 
the course that he was not her husband, but Indra, the lord of heavens. 
As soon as she knew about it, she realised the wrong donc to her and 
she swooned. Then Gautama came and cursed both of them. Kamban 
hère cleverly managed to depict Ahalyi as a spotless character unlike 
în Valmïkfs Rânmyana where it was mentioned that she too loved Indra 
and willingly accepted his advances resulting in sexual intercourse. 

Itwill notbe out of place if we mention hère about a few 
attempts made in modem times also based on the thème of Ahalyà*s 



12 S.V. UNIVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURÂL 

love épisode. One sucfa is a short story in Tamil by name Tôivi^ 
by Dr. G. Sundaramûrti. 

Ahaîya, after she lias been released from the curse, had high. 
esteem towards Visvâmitra because he was the person who brought 
Rama to the âsrama. If he had not brought hira there and narrated 
the sad plight of Ahalya on account of the curse, Ahalya would not 
hâve attained her original form and found a place by the side of her 
husband, Gautama. She used to celebrate the day every year on which 
she got the reîease from the curse. It was her practice to go to 
Visvâmitra's âsrama on that day and pay respects to him and receive 
his blessings. Many years hâve passed. One year it so happened 
that she came there as usual and took leave of him after paying respects 
to him, A disciple in the asrama asked Visvâmitra why she was 
doing like that. Visvâmitra told him whatall happened in the past 
and remarked Toor lady ! she is thinking that I hâve brought Rama 
out of compassion towards her sad plight and I was mainly instrumental 
for the release of her curse. But my intention was différent. It was 
on account of the love I had towards Sitâ I did ail that. Iknew even then 
that Sîlâ would be ridiculed by people for her short stay in Ravana's 
place and Rânia, in order to please the public, might abandon Sitâ on 
that score. I did not want that situation to occur. If Rama excused 
Ahalya for her sinful act and accepted her as a devoted chaste woman, 
ï thought that he would certainly not mind the blâme cast on Sïta who 
was bleraisbless and abandon her recollecting Ahalya to his mind. It 
was only with that intention in mind that I took Rama to Gautama's 
3srama\ In the meantime a disciple came running to the asrama and 
conveyed the news that Rama has abandoned Sîta givîng credence to the 
loose and baseless talk of the public about Sîtâ*s character. On hearing 
this alarming news, Visvâmitra was stunned and the short story ends 
dramatically. He exclaims that his attempt was defeated. Tôhi in 
Tamil means defeat. AU that, that he tried to avoid such a situation 
in Râma's life, was of no avail and his attempt was bitterly defeated. 
He accepts fate and remarks that it cannot be altered however mighty 
one is. 

In a récent Tamil picture. Aval, Ahalya's épisode jBnds a place 
incidentally and in that, Ahalya, though submitting herself to the curse, 
expresses her mind in the context. She seems to represent the modem 
woman with îndependetit views who does not submit to fate for her suffe- 
rings» When Gautama cursed her to become a rock, she says that 
she was ail along a rock only and in no way better. She asks her 
husband- 'O! Sirî you are a great seer. Could you not realise that 

1. * Tôlvî ' published in Kadambam (October, 1961). 



AHALYA'S EPISODE ~ ITS DIFFERENT VERSIONS 13 

I was not treated as I should? Could you not know my passion and 
my désire? You are finding fault with me. I did not err in any raanner. 
When Indra came in your guise I thought that you hâve corne to 
me. ï never suspected that an untoward thing would befaîl on me, 
You, being a seer, why could you not know that it was not yet dawn 
and Indra crowed like a cock to make you quit the ^srama? You 
could hâve known what would happen in future and tried to avoid it. 
You hâve alîowed the circumstances to develop and you are now find 
fault with me and subjected me to the effects of the curse. What fault 
isthereinme? She questioned vehemently for which Gautaraa had 
no answer. She submitted herself to the fate and became rock in the 
asrama^ 

There is a view that the story of Ahalyâ is nothing but an allego ri- 
cal interprétation of Naturels manifestation. In one of such explana- 
tions, it is stated that Ahalyâ means the night or darkness. Indra is 
the Sun-God. Gautama is the Moon. The darkness is wedded to 
the Moon and the Sun has snatched away the darkness frona the Moon. 
Kumârila Bhatta furnishes this interprétation. Maxmuller also accepts 
this view. There is another explanation. Ahalyâ means unploughed 
or barren land. It yielded in fruit due to the contact with Indra, the 
Rain-God. Mimâmsakas hold this view. According to Veda Bhasya, 
Ahalyâ is the Vàk or speech. Indra is the person responsible for the 
évolution of speech. Thèse explanations tend us to believe that it is 
no more a story of erotic sentiment depicting the illicit relationship, 
but a symbolic story described to manifest the events of nature. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

1 . Ahalyasankrandanamu : 

Pub : Sringaragrandha Mandali. 

2. Introduction to Ahalyasankrandanamu : 

Pub : Emesco, Madras. 

5. PUrvagâthalaharî : 

by V. Sreenivasa Rao. 

4, Ramavatâracarîtam : 

(Tafe) : Kambar. 

5. Tôïvi : (short story) . 

by Dr. G. Sundaramurthy, M. a., Ph.i>. 



D. SATYANARAYANA 

PABCASIKHA 



Pancasikha is a great name in Indian philosophical literature. He 
is referred to with great déférence in Sàmkhya, Yoga, Pancaratra, 
Buddhist and Jain literature. Throughont the Mahàbhctrata he is 
referred to as bhîksu or bhikku. The term bhîksu in Sanskrit literature 
is generally applied to Buddhist monks. 

If Ramânuja, Madhva, Nimbârka and Vallabha ail drew from the 
same source to emphasize their theistic philosophy, we can unhesitatingly 
say Mîrâ, the mellifluous singer of the Lord; Siîrdàs, the devotee with 
stringed flûte, Jayadeva, the poet par excellence and author of the 
Gitagovînda and Caitanya, the preacher of intense and mystifying 
dévotion in dance ail drew their inspiration from Pancasikha, the earliest 
of the PâScarâtra experts. Nârada, another Pâiïcarâtra exponent was a 
metaphysician of repute and equally famous as a musician. The tuft of 
hair is an individual characteristic which the modem cinémas, hâve 
associated with Nârada to a profane level. Pancasikha, of course, means 
having five tufts of hair. As a musician, the name Nârada is well-known. 
Pâïïcarâtra and music go together with Nârada and Pancasikha. Both 
were experts at vtna. 

In the Sonakajàtaka he has been referred to as an instrument in 
contacting Arindama and Sonaka. The Sonakajàtaka states thus : — 
Sonaka and Arindama completed their studies at Taxila. While coming 
back home they had to stay at Varanâsi. The râjapurohita or royal- 
chaplain conferred kingship upon Arindama, the king being shortly dead. 
Arindama entered the palace and forgot ail about his fxiend Sonaka. 
PaEoasikhp^Jr Pancacûla got them together again* 

In the Sakkapankhyasmta ( Bighaniki^ya^ ÏI p. 2^3/ a ftillcî; 
âccQunt is.given* Pancasikha was^ à favo^tirite c)f the'îJBai(|dj^:;|^?^^^ 



16 S.V. UNIVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

vîlâsim. IIL699). în the Pancasîkhasutta, he visits, the Buddha and 
asks how some men are emancipated in this birth and some are not ? 

There are stray références available about the life of Pancasikha 
both in Pâli and Sanskrit literature. He belonged to the Gandhabba or 
the Gandharva class, it is confirmed by both Pâli and Sanskrit sources. 
Gandharvas are good at music in Sanskrit literature which Pâli sources 
aiso corroborate. 

From Sanskrit sources it is gathered that Pancasikha would incar- 
nate m the Varsakalpa as Siva. He was one among those who marched 
against Tripuràsura. He was a disciple of Asuri and Kapila and 
belonged to Parasara gotra. He was a fellow-pupil of Jaigîsavya, a 
famous Sâmkhya commentator. He was a PâScarâtra religions leader 
and gave religious and phiîosophical instructions to Janaka, the king of 
Videha, who became emancipated. He is aiso an expert in daharavidya^ 
Sometimes, he is said to be born from the navel base of Brahma and 
identified with Kapila, the founder-teacher of Sâmkhya. He is said to 
be a yoga expert. His views hâve been referred to by most of the corn- 
mentators on Yoga, Sâmkhya etc. The Vâmanapurâna says that he 
was the son of Himsa, wife of Dharma. He was omniscient and none 
couid gain a victory over him in logic. He knew ail the schools of 
renunciation. 

From Buddhist sources, it is known that Pancasikha was a good 
player at vîna. He could compose beautiful love-songs. He was in love 
with Bhaddasurîyavaccasa, a daughter of the Gandhabba Tîmbaru. The 
poem composed by him in love and dedicated to her moved even the 
Buddha. To Buddha he confessed that he was în love but his fiancée 
had rejected therefore, and hence disappointed. She favoured Sikhandi, 
the son of Mâtali. She was cajoled, Beautiful songs composed and 
sung aiso moved her and she finally consented to get wedded to Panca- 
sikha. At this occasion Buddhaghosa says {Sumangalavilasinî. IL 704) 
in the Mahagovindasutta that the Sakka pronounced his eight-foid 
eulogy of Buddha. Sakka aiso blessed the marriage. 

The names Sikhandi and Mâtali are aiso well-known in Sanskrit 
literature. In the PâScarâtra literature the name éikhandî or Citra- 
sikhandi is referred to with great révérence. In the Mahâbharata {SantL 
343.30-) Citrasikhandi is a collective name of seven sages. The name 
Mâtali and Sîkhandî aiso occur in the Mahabhërata. Mâtali is the 
charioteer of Indra. Sikhandin was a purohit of Dâlbhya (Kausitaki 
brâhmana, 7.4). * * 

In Pâli sources he is said to be an incarnation of Sanankumâra. 
F^|[6^(?Tiia and Pancasikha are identifîed. In the Janavasabhasutt§ 



PANCASIKHA 17 

(Dîgh. IL 211) and Mahâgovlndasutîa {ï> , IL 230). Sanankumâra appeared 
before the assembly of gods of Tavatîmsa and materialised himself and 
assumed the form of Paiacasikha. Buddhaghosa says [Sumangalavilasini 
IL 640) that ail the Devas loved Pâicasikha and wished to resemble 
him. Sanankumâra is said to be known as Paîïcacûia in his earlier births 
in the human form when he practised jtew^î 

Sanatkumâra in Sanskrit literature is too well-known. Sanat- 
kumâra is also too well-known as leading amongst the earliest Pâicarâtra 
leaders. Aniruddha is also identiiied with Paîïcasikha {Jâtaka Y. 412). 
In the Biîarakosiyajâtaka, Ananda is said to hâve been born as Paiïca- 
sikha [Jâtaka IV. 69). 

Bhavaganesa, a Samkhya commentator of repute has quoted a 
couplet in the name of Paiicasikha :- 

Pancavimsatî tattvajno yatrataîrasrama sthitah / 
JaU mundi sikhi vâpi mucyaîe nâtra samsayah // 

One who is aware of twenty five primary catégories living in 
whatever religious discipline obtains salvation whether he is growing 
fuU hair on his head, clean shaved or having tufts of hair. Pancasikha 
is one having five knots of hair at his head. One way of insulting a man 
{Sumangalavilasini. 1.296) v^as to shave his head leaving five locks of 
liair. 

In the Samkhya hierarchy it is stated that Paîïcasikha was a student 
of Âsuri who in turn was a student of Kapila. {Mathara Samkhya- 
saptati 72). It is well-known that the town Kapilavastu was founded to 
honour this sage Kapila. Sometimes Pancasikha is also called incar 
nation of Kapila who in turn is called the fifth incarnation of Visnu, 
eighth being the Buddha. 

Sanaka, Sananda, Sanâtana, Asuri, Kapila, Vodhu and Paîïca- 
sikha are the seven primary teachers. 

The Brhadâranyaka (6.5. 2-3), gives^a différent lineage oî gurus, 
Upavesi, Aruna, Uddalaka, YâjSavalkya, Asuri and PaScasikha. The 
fact that Paîïcasikha was a disciple of Asuri is confirmed^ in both the 
sources {Vàyu. 101. 338). The Èatapathabrshmana gives Asuri*s. views 
on sacrifice and the nature of the ultimate as determinate or indetermî- 
nate, 

The name of PaScasikha is also available in the Baudhayana 
Grhya, 2Ad7 md Âpastamba. 43 J.7 and 40.2.9. 



18 S.V. UNIVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

_ Corresponding to the Pâli name PaScacûla, the Sanskrit name is 
Pancacuda and referred to profusely in many Srauta and Grhya works 
In iht Maîtrâyani Kathaka and Kapisthala also the name Paîïcacûda is 
round. 

Paîïcaiikha is a great name in Sâmkhya and Yoga. He is said to 
be the author of a huge work having sixty thousand verses. This work 
is kaown as Tantrâni or Sastitantram. The book is lost but some quota- 
tions in prose and verse are available. 

Vâcaspati, the famous commentator on ail branches ofphiloso- 
pbyhasusedthe name of Varsagaaya and Pancasikha. Confusingly 
thereby making a few scholars to opine that PâHcarâtra and Varsaganya 
were identical as both belonged to Parâsaragotra. 

His philosophy in a nutshell is "equality to ail beings, dispassio- 
nate attitude non-attachment as the highest good for the men". Janaka 
abandoned the hundred teachers and followed his views. 

In the Mahàbhârata he is also called ciranjmn - living for eter- 
yiS^. 220. 10). The Vayu. 23.4. speaks of him among'the ^^L 
of the Mahesvara school. * 

r . Jï ï.f ^'^^^ Sâmkhya teacher. According to him avidya has five 
ï^c^tHBuddhacarîtra. Xlt. Il; SSmkHyakârikâ Al). In ih^ Èyetahvalàsia 
it issaidof fiveprojecting telescopic joints. In the introduction to 
the Uttarâjjhayana sutta.. Charpentier refers to the lists of subjects as 
given there four Vedas, Itihàsa, Nighantu, Vaidka-angas and the SastU 
tantra By this it can be inferred that tHe Sastitantra was a discipline'în 
itself. "^ 

He recommended jnSnakarmasamuccayavSda or the combined 
method of knowledge and action. This philosophy of jnânakarma 
samuccaya is an old school of thought prévalent even before Sankara. 

E.H. Johnson in his book th& 'Early Sâmkhya' expresses thu 
^anmya and Yoga were only two facets of the same school represènted 
by fancasikha and Varsaganya as the philosophy was carrent in the first 
century A.D. Sometimes pure metaphysics is called Sâmkhya and the 
physical and the ssnsory control activities undertaken'to achieve are 
called Yoga* 

Keith (p. 48 of Sâmkhya) maintain that PaEcasikha was the 
author of the §«#r«n/ra. This is not the name ofabook but a school 
oj thought The opmion on sixty topics of that school has been collec- 
ted m that school. 



PASCASIKHA 19 

In îhe G arudapurâna Kapila is caîled Siddhesa, lord of the 
Siddhas. Siddhas are a class like Gandharvas. în Buddhist literature, 
Païïcasikha is told as Ganobabba. 

Vijnânabhiksu, criticising an advaitin in the Sadadhyayibhàsya 
says that there were two Kapilas, In the ^vetasvatara. 5.2, Ânandagiri 
also maintains that there are two Kapilas one Vaîdîka and the non-^ 
Vaîdika. Prahlada's son is also named Kapila. There is one Dharma- 
sâstra author also by the name Kapiia. Visvamitra's son and the author 
ofan upapurana also are named Kapila. 

Paîïcasikha's association with Kapila is so intense that he is very 
often Kapileya. The name of Âsuri's wife was also Kapila From her 
name also the name Kapileya is derived. The chapter 211 in the Mahct- 
bhârata verse 25.28 contains the philosophy to free from pieasure and 
pain, old âge and death resembling very closely the Four Noble Truths. 
In SànîL 306.56-66, there is a longlist of teachers. Visvâvasu tells Yâjna- 
valkya how he learnt the twenty five tattvas from seventeen teachers. 
Araong the others PaScasikha and Gautama are also named, 

Gautama may not be the name of Gautama the Buddha. There 
is another Nyaya philosophy teacher Gautama. But this statement 
represents a tradition. In Sïïnti, (Chap. 307) Yudhisthira asks Bhisma 
wh'o reproduces the dialogue between Janaka and Païïcasikha wherein 
Païïcasikha said that none can escape old âge and death by vedic rites 
and vitality restoring elixirs. Teachings of Païïcasikha to Janaka can 
also be compared with the Dhammapada (200), Uttaradhyayanasïiira 
(9.14). 

Pancasikha's riame thus is taken in Buddhist literature and also 
in the Sâmkhya literature. It is to be remembered that Samkhya System 
has been criticised by ail the Systems of orthodox philosophy. The 
earlier Samkhya is divided into two sub-schools, the Sesvara Sâmkhya 
and Nirîsvara Sâmkhya i.e., the sub-school believing in God and the 
sub-school not believing in God. Références to the name Païïcasikha 
are also available in Jain literature. M.ental state of perfect equilibrium 
of Janaka after Pancasikha's initiation is commonly available in Jain, 
Buddha and Hindu sources. Païïcasikha was an expert in daharavîdya. 
The term dahara U explained in Bhagavata IQ.ZIM, as the esoteric 
knowledge. In tht A gnîpuràna 382.4.5, bis philosophy has been given 
as immune to worldly luxuries, constant introspection, ultimate good of 
the people (he undertook to raake roads, dig welIs etc.) Buddhist lite- 
rature, equality throughout, non-attachment, thèse being his chief 
tenets. The Brhaddraftyaka'Upanîsad (6.5.2-3) gives a line of teachers 
wherein the name PaScasikha appears. (Upavesi, Aruna, Uddâlaka, 
YijSavalkya, Asuri and PaScasikha). The Vayu. 23.41 speaks ofhim 



20 S.V. UNÏVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

among tîie j<^^fi' ofthe Mâhesvara schooL The Sânîî. 2Î8.Î9 cails him 
expert in five philosophies Pancasrotasi, Commenting on the YogasUtra 
Î.4, Vâcaspati bas quoted views of Païïcasikha stating that where animal 
sacrifice undertaken as a subsidiary and secondary action in a sacrifice 
there killing can be eliminated, Vijiïânabhiksu commenting on 1.24 of 
the Yogavàrtîîka quotes conception of émancipation according to Païï- 
casikha. The first stage of émancipation is knowledge and the second is 
being free from caprice and the third is total élimination. The Buddha- 
carîtra (XIL 46.47) also quotes Pancasikha's views as representing 
Sirnkhya. He is said to be the first pupil of Jaigîsavya 



In the Vâmanapuràna (Chapter 50) it is said that Himsâ was the 
name of the wife of Dharma who delivered four sons, ail the four being 
experts in Yoga. The eldest was Sanatkumâra, the second Sanàtana, 
the third Sanaka and the fourth was Sanandana. Ail thèse saw that 
Paîïcasikha was expert in Sâmkhya and knew Yoga fully. He was also a 
mendicant taponidhi. In the Mahabharaîa he is also said as omniscient 
sarvavîî and none could stand him in logic. He was fully conversant 
with ail the schools of renonciation and fully knew the tattvajnâna. 

F. Otto Sehrader (Introduction to Paîïcarâtra p 74) has empha- 
sized connection between Buddhism and Sâmkhya and also refers to one 
ofhis articles on the Sastitàntric in Z.C. M. G. 1914. le is to be 
remembered that Pancasikha was the author of ihe Sastîtantra, 



A story is given in the Padmarantra (1.1) and Vîmuîilaka 
(l A46), ThQÛTStrtligïon [Pâncarstra, Âdyadharma) being created and 
propagated by Sikhandin (Citrasikhandin), hell became naught aud 
great decrease of création took place {Srsji ksayo mahUn âstt), Brhman 
felt uneasy and went to the Lord who said that ail the people are full of 
faith and therefore they go to the place of Visnu and never return. 
There is now no hell or heaven, birth or death. So he with the help of 
Brahman, Kapila and Siva created five more Systems i.e,, Yoga, Sâm- 
khya. Bauddha, Jaina and èaiva conjflicting with each other and the 
PaScarâtra. Thus Paicarâtra and Buddhism and Sâmkhya hâve been 
said to bave the same origin and the term Pancàsvalasi should mean 
adept in Yoga, Sâmkhya, Bauddha, Jaina and Saiva schools of philoso- 
phy In XXXIIL 17 of the Ahîrbudhnya samhîtâ the Lord is stated to be 
worshipped as Buddha by Buddhîsts. 

Pancasikha thus points out to a pre-Buddhist period where various 
schools of thought were still in germinating form. Makkali Gosala and 



PAÎ^CASÏKHA 21 

others given in Pâli sources might be those whose views came in for 
strong criticism from Baddha. The views of Pancasikha may lead to 
build up a pre-upanisadic phiîosophy. 



There is one undoubted factor that the Paicasikha was a great 
teacher and finds an honoured place in ail the philosophicaî schools of 
India. 



Dr. R S. BETAL 

THEFT IN DHARMASÀSTRA* 



It is known that theft is considérée to be one of the Mahapâtakas 
by Manu and allothers. It is included under kantakasodhana by Kautilya. 
It is treated as kantakasodhana by Manu, Yâjîîavalkya and NIrada. 
Problem remains as to whether it is to be treated as an independent 
title or not and while Kautilya treats of it under kanfakasodhanamthont 
referring to it separately, Brhaspati refers to it under sahasa. It is sur- 
prising that Visnu gives a rather small treatment to it. 

Afterassault, we naturalîy refer to theft. The title is treated 
after assault by Manu.^ Yâjnavaikya treats of it rather late and includes 
murder under it, probabîy because there could be many cases in which 
theft might also lead to murder.^ It is to be noted that there is not 
writer in ail the smrtïs who mlght hâve differentiated between theft and 
robbery as the Indian Pénal Code has done. 

Itshouldbe noted that in the treatment ofthis title, there are 
many interesting controversies in the commentators of Manu, and 
Yâjnavaikya, Nârada, Brhast>ati etc. also differ from Manu to a great 
extent. There are diflFering views on the question of inflicting corporeal 
punishment on the offenders in this title and there is quite an interest- 
ing différence of opinion with regard to the case of a thief who confesses 
his guilt. Manu has asked the thief to run to the king to confess bis 
offence and be prepared to accept any punishment that is inflicted on 
him, we are told that he becomes purified when he a ;cepts the punish- 
ment inflicted on him. We wîll do our best in the présent treatment to 
clear thèse doubts away, We will also try to set up the theory of 
punishment of thèse authors and this make the title as clear as possible. 



* A cfi^pter from a project aided by the Gujarat University. 

^ l.j;;y|ia;.;;;3pl,,oiiwards. 
''"'2,, ' m^W^. m 237, 266 to 282. 



24 S.V. UNIVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

Treaîment în Manu 

The foîîowing points are of interest in the long treatment that 
Manu gives to tîiis titîe: - 

(1) It is a matter beyond doubt that very great care is to bçà 
taken about tracing the thief, and making sure that he is the real cul- 
prit and then fixing up the nature ofthe offence and also its gravjty, so 
that the real thief may be properly punished.^ 

(2) Unlike ail other smrtîkaras. Manu uses several verses to 
stress the need of protecting the state from thieves and robbers. Theft 
is an ofFence that is to be put down with a very high hand and if the 
king fails to make his kingdom safe from thieves, robbers and murderers, 
he will meet his own sad end in this as also in the other life. The king-» 
dom charges one-sixth of income on land as tax and also other taxes/ 
he is sasthamsavrtti as we are told in the Èakuntala of Kâlidâsa^ and 
this taxation is meant for meeting the expenses of the state and for 
securing a safe and peaceful life for the subjects. That king therefore, 
who does not protect his subjects and yet charges thèse taxes is a thief 
himself. Manu makes the king entirely responsible for ail the thefts 
that take place in the state, and wants the king to keep the subjects 
under proper restraint and he wants that the thieves and robbers shall 
always be evaded. Kautilya states that they are thorns and they shall 
be thrown out ruthlessly. The king has twofoîd duty, to protect the 
subjects and make them feel safe and secure in his rule and also to rest- 
rain and punish the enemies of public safety and to protect property 
that is a sacred trust. 

With thèse two basic ideas in view. Manu lays down the follow- 
ing as the important points necessary for understanding the title of 
thefts :- 

(i) The first thing that is to be noted is this, What does Manu 
understand by this title? Yâjnavalkya includes murder etc. under this 
title. Nârada also expands its bounds. Brhaspati treats it only under the 
topic of robbery and violence. It seems that, according to Manu, theft 
and robbery both corne under this title, while the rest will be treated 
separately under the title oî sahasa. He throughout the discussion deals 
with theft and robbery, and the latter often means stealth plus violence. 
Manu is conscious of the technical distinction between the two but pre- 



3. Manu VIII. 302, 341, 342 etc. 

4. VIII. 304, 30S etc. 

5. Sastmméavrtterapi dharma esahj and tapah sadbhagam aksayyam dadaty 
âranyakâ M nah / ... . . 



THEFT IN DHARMASÂSTRA 25 

fers îo include them under the same title and he mentions the other 
cases of violence only in a gênerai way, in the next topic of sâhasa. 
Manu has therefore understood îhc meaning of the word quite rightîy 
and he wisely treats ît as a separate title deserving ail the détails unlike 
Brhaspati and even Yâjnavalkya to some extent. 

(ii) Another outstanding feature of the titie is the consistency 
in which it is treated by Manu when he recommends again, discrimina- 
ting punishments in accordance with the caste higher or lower. In the 
treatment of the previous two tiîles, we saw that he inflicts higher 
punishment on the ^iidra offenders. Hère, the order is reversed and 
the rule is that higher the varna of the thief, graver the oËfence. Thus, 
the Brâhmana thief will be the worst of the thieves. ïn his case it wiii 
naturally mean higher punishment than others, though ofcourseno corpo- 
real punishment will be given to him. In the opinion of Manu, as com- 
pared to the upper varnas, the lower classes are habîtualiy criminals, 
and Manu iays down the most appropriate punishment for them. But 
the interesting provision in Manu is that as theft is one of the worst of 
the offences, no meraber of the upper varnos, that is, the dvijas should 
be found a crirainal who resorts to this offence. As a resuît of this out- 
look he recommends higher punishment for offenders from the upper 
varnas 

(lu) Real controversies arise when we hâve to dîstinguish between 
capital punishment and corporeal punishment. The coramentators are 
not agrced in the matter. In verses Vllï. 320 to 323, Manu refers to 
vadha as the punishment of a great store of grains, gold and silver, 
stealth of a thing more than hundred pains in weight and stealth of men 
and women etc. ïn thèse four verses the meaning of the word.|<|rfAûr 
needs to be properly understood. The word is used in the sensé éf;.èbr- 
poreal and capital punishment both, To illustrate, in VIIL 322, it seems 
that the nature of the punishment is dépendent upon the amount of the 
precious métal stolen. If it be one to fifty paîas, there is fine; if it is 
fifty to hundred /7a/ûr.ç, there is corporeal punishment; whîle if itis more 
than hundred palas, the punishment is death because this stealth indu- 
desgems of high value and also human beings. 

(iv) ïn Vïït. 331, WQ hâve the word sânvaya which has created a 
leadache. What does the word mean exactly ? What is the punishment 
ivhen a sânvaya deprives a man of his belongings ? The word niranvaya 
vhich occurs in the same verse is interpreted as 'if there be no relation 
>y friendly mutual dealing' by Medhatithi, and KuUiîka understands it 
is *OBe with whome there is absolutely no relation; even Hke staying in 
;he same village'. It would be better and more exact to take the word 
n the sensé of 'blood-relation', as Buhler has pointed out wiihout ever 
tating his own opinion. The conclusion is that in case the thief isa 



26 S,V. UNIVERSiTY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

blood-relation of the man concerned there is lighter pimishment for the 

olFender. 

(v) Manu has very clearly and exactly distinguished between 
robbery and theft. The Mîîaksara rightly claims that in VIIL 332, 
Manu gives îlie définition of theft and robbery both and so, in the pré- 
sent context, when Manu is dealing with sîeya, \i will mean and nnist 
mean 'robbery and theft both'. The peculiarity hère is that the défini- 
tion is given by the method of comparison. When goods are stolen in 
the présence of the owner and also his family, with or without violence, 
iî is robbery; while it is an onset of theft when it is committed in secret 
or at night and so on When however, an act of robbery is cornmitted 
and denied, it is to be treated as theft. Thus, robbery is of two sorts- 
open robbery without violence and opeu robbery with violence. Theft 
is aïso of two types, concealed and open but denied in the court. 

(vi) Yet one more important statement is that even the king is 
net beyond punishment for an act of theft or robbery in the wider sensé 
of îhe term as above. The king must fine himself severely and throw 
avvay thatmoney in water or else giveit away to the Brâhmanas. The idéal 
which States that the offence of the king is hundred times more serious 
is an idéal of no mean value and this will naturally mean that the rela- 
tions ofthe king will also suffer punishment if they commit this act. 
There is not, what we call th^ tyranny of the individual or a class, It is 
really iinfortunate that the later writers hâve faiîed to stress this point. 

(vii) Manu rather looseiy exempts from punishment cases of 
theft of very ordinary things in a negligible quantity, as also things in 
smaîl quality taken for sacrificial purposes. 

The fundamental points iying at the root of thèse points are 
Sound and genuine, and they will be able to add substantially even to 
the modem criminal law. 

(1) The king is the highest autuority in the state of Manu and 
still he wants the king to abide ail the rules and laws that he inflicts on 
the subjects. Thus, if the king commits an act of theft, it is more 
serious than that committed by any other man. However, for him, only 
the punishment of fine is laid down. This will naturally mean self- 
imposed punishment. 

(2) Theft is one of the gravest ojQFences and so, punishment rang- 
ing from a small fine to the highest punishment of death are laid down. 
Crime aiid punishment go together and the punishment is to vary in 
accordance with the nature of the offence, value and nature of the 
article that is stolen, the amount ofthe goods and the manner of theft. 



THEFT IN DHARMASASTRA 27 

(3) Manu views theft very seriously and niakes the mee on 
power very much alert abouî it. Tbeft and robbery are a shame on the 
ruler and his police force and so, both are alerted chaîlenged by Manu 
wiîh spiritual punishment and loss of prestige etc. 

(4) The next important law in Manu is this. Higher the status 
of the thief, higher bis varna graver is the oiFence and more seriously 
should it be viewed by the kiog. The idéal is thought-provoking, noble 
and great. 

To this, Yâjnavalkya has added a few very important points that 
are as follows :- 

(î) His View of the oflfence is as serions as that of Manu. He 
recommends a definite System of catching thieves, arrest on suspicion, 
alertness of the police-guards, détection of crime, considération of the 
previous thefts at the time of punishment and so on.^ This clearly shows 
that Yâjiavalkya takes greater interest in the method and manrier of 
catching the thieves and punishing them rather than in the détails of 
punishment. 

(2) From the kings and the guards, the responsibility of catching 
the thieves is shifted to the village-headmen and the villagers. Yâjîa- 
valkya further alerts them by.statîng that there will be fines on the 
police-guards and the village-headmen, as also collective fines on the 
villagesif they fail to catch the thieves in their areas.'^ Thîs is a very 
much important and a wise provision that makes ail men conscious of 
the seriousness of the offence and the scrupulous care ail are expected 
to take in the matter. 

(3) In the list of the thefts, YâjSavalkya includes ail the cases 
of pick-pockcting and purse-cutting and lays dowB heavy punishment 
for thèse. Thus, YâjSavalkya covers up many more cases of theft than 
Manu. This gives a more clear stattts to the offence and it is clearly in 
a State of évolution. 

(4) Yajiavalkya further expands the title by including in it those 
also who help or shelter the thieves or sell stolen goods. Thus, merely 
an act of theft or murder is no criminal offence; even complicity in 
theft or murder, abetraent it an offence of the same type almost. 

The value of the provisions of Yâjîïavalkya can in no way be 
underestimated and we find a positive developraent in the provisions of 
the title of theft, in the manner of catching the offender, the manner of 

6. IL 266 to 270. 

7. IL 271 and 272. 



28 S.V. UNIVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

hîs trial and punishment and so on, be more contribution of YâjSavalkya 
is that he bas covered up maiiy more offences of theft in his fine treat» 
ment. 

To this, Nârada adds the following important points that go a 
long way in clarifying and elaborating Manu, moretban iniproving upon 
him :~ 

We should, at the very commencement of our discussion on 
Nârada concède that only one manuscript of tbe smrti, that from Népal 
refers to the title of theft. As Jolly has already cla'riâed. " The reading 
of several passages is uncertain and this circumstance, taken together 
with the want of a commentary, renders my translation less reliable than 
could be desired." « Still, on the whole, a few points deserve particuiar 
note in this rather inexact treatment, 

(î) In addition to the varions ways of catching thieves and 
inquiring about their guilt as found in the Yajnavalkya-smrîi, Nârada 
shows the varions ways in which confession can be extracted from the 
thieves, and thèse much about the varions ways in which torture was 
made use of in those days. Manu does not refer to this. 

(2) It is very much likely that a man might make a false state- 
meat about the stealth of his property. Nârada therefore recommends 
détection of the rightness of the claim and also oaths in aîl cases of 
thefts. 

(3) If the real thief escapes and an innocent man is punished, 
the iatter is to be paid double after the real theif is caught. This is a 
very important provision. The two provisions bring Nârada and with 
him the treatment of this title very much near to the Indian Penaî Code. 

(4) The harshness of the punishment of Manu is lessening and 
Nârada bas recommended Ijghter punishment even for the stealth of a 
maa, a woman or even a maîden. 

Itçan thus be seen that, Manu is well detailed, clear and also 
fairly tcchnical ia his treatment of this title. His gênerai principles are 
Sound and well planned. He shows full knowledge of the requirements 
of the court-procedurfe;, etCi, and yet he maintains his great anxiety to 
uphold sockl morality, èthics, ^afetyand protection of the subjects and 
so on. Hîs harshness in punishments has also some ideas at the root and 
we cannot accuse Manu of primitive treatment or absence of applicabi- 
lity in courts etc., in thèse criniinal titles. It should be noted that Manu 
has been much misunderstood in this title in particuiar. 



Sacred Books of the East. 



THEFT IN DHARMASÂSTRA 29 

The îreatment in Yajnavalkya on tiie whole follows Manu bot it 
goes a long way in eîaborating Manu and he bas aiso added a few 
valuable points to thetreatment so that it becomes more technical and 
evolved and strictly legaî. 

We hâve also seen that YljSavalkya is also detailed and technical 
in his own way though he follows Manu and yet recommends less strict 
puntshmcnt. 

Vfmu 

In regard to this offence, Visnu has aiso a few points to add and 
with this, the title takes a more ciear shape and it is better evolved. 
He has thèse important things in his treatment :- 

(1) Most of the punishments in the matter of oîfences of theft 
are corporeal and this speaks for ihe seriousness of the offence and it 
also proves that private property as held was a sacred trust and m 
order to prevent the stealth of this in future, scvercst punishments are 
laid down. Visnu is thus in iike with the other smrîîkàras in regarding 
this offence as very grave. 

(2) Even for stealing sraall things Iike grains, punishment is very 
harsh (V.79), ofcourse hère is form of fine that is eleven times. and of- 
course restoring back the goods or its priée stands (V. 89-90). 

(3) Rarer and greater the value of the thing stolen, higher the 
punishment, is the ruie. Thus, for stealing animais Hke cow, horse etc., 
cutting offof thehand or foot is the punishment (V.77) and for stealing 
gold, silver, etc., the punishment is cutting offof both the hands (V.8i), 
while for stealing gems. that are bound to be rare, the punishment is 
highest amercement (V.87). Seriousness was there in the offence of stealth 
itself, but there was greater seriousness with the rarity and high price of 
the goods stolén. 

(4) One înteresting référence is to the rétention of deposit, 
embezzîing of goods, (V.169 and 167) and also to the daim of a deposit 
that was never deposited *(V.171}, and aîl thèse are cases of theft from 
the View point of Visnu and are to be dealt with accordingly. This fine 
and înteresting référence to indirect thefts would further suggest that 
in the opinion of Visnu non-payment of kihg's taxes, smuggling of 
goods etc., as also sale of bad goods at a higher price etc., would be 
ofifeaces of theft. Some of thèse are referred to by Kautîlya. •* 

Visg^u thus continues his method and approach in case of this off- 
çince as be daes in the case of other offences. He déals with them with 
a stertj hand and lays down very severe punishinents for thèse/ 



30 S.V. UNIVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

Brhaspatf 

Comiog to Brhaspati, we find that he îakes theft under the wide 
term sâhasa ïn which homicide or murder is aiso included. His treat- 
inent continues the harsh punishments of predecessors and he is for 
more harsh punishments for the thieves. He refers to some naore offen- 
cesof theft and again, he gives a fine classification of thieves. His 
treatment is interesting from the foîiowing points of view :- 

(ly He classifies thieves into two types — open and conceaied 
and States further that their sub-divisions can be a thousandfold 
(XXIL2). He then gives a îist of open thieves (XXH.S and 4) and a few 
cases of secret thieves (XXÏL5). Then folîow détails of open thieves 
and how they are to be punished (XXH. 17). He is very harsh, almost 
ruthîess on house-breakers (XXlLl?) and he wants them to restore the 
stolen property and then to die by the various cruel methods of ending 
the life of the criminal. 

(2) In an interesting référence he states that v^hen a man or 
woman is kidnapped, the ofFender is to é\Q (XXÎI.18). Thus, unlike 
some of Ûï^ smrtikâras dLïïà unlike the Indian Pénal Code, in the opinion 
of this smrtikâra, kidnappirg man or woman aiso amounts to theft 
and it is theft of the worst order. It is too well-known that the Indian 
Penaî Code takes kidnapping as a separate offence. 

(3) To Brhaspati, stealing of a cow is a very serious offenc e 
probably because cow is extreraely holy and the oflfender M^ho steals a, 
cow is to be plunged in water with fetters on his body and after his nose is 
eut oflf (XXIL19). Brhaspati is far more harsh than Manu in that even 
for mi no roffences like stealing of grass, wood etc., there is corporeal 
punishment, 

(4) When again, a reiigious man or a student of the Vedas steals 
heistobekept in prison for long. He shall then be asked to restore 
the stolen property and aiso to undergo a penance. Such référen- 
ces are rare in the smnis, and Brhaspati is the second author to rcfer to 
imprisonment as punishment. The first author is Visnu. This shows 
the gênerai tendency of every smrtîkâra that follows to cover up as many 
offences of the same type as possible. 

(5) Brhaspati next goes to the case of theft plus violence. He 
States that this offence of theft plus violence is three times more serious 
than ordinary theft and so, the punishment is aîso three fold (XXIL 23- 
24), ïn some cases of violence, the punishment is fivefold. (XXn~29). 

It is thus clear that Brhaspati, who in normal course, gives far 
fewer détails of thèse titles, gives quite a few and again interesting 
tedaiîs of the offence of theft. 



THEFT IN DHARMASÂSTRA 31 

It can again be seen from this évolution how tîie title lias deve- 
îoped and how every new smftikara lias remained anxioiis to make the 
title more detailedj more technical, more systematic and more légal, 
ît always speaks for the fact that as days pass, vyavahara m gênera! 
and criminal law in particular are becoming more exact, and definiîely 
evolved, We cannot give the entire crédit of the évolution of this or 
any other title at that to either Manu or Nirada as some scholars might 
be incîined to do. 

KAUTILYA 

A gênerai study of the views of Kautilya on this title wilî be of 
great value and they will fiU up some important gaps to be found in the 
treatment of theft in gênerai and criminal law in particular. The fol- 
lowing are the important things to be noted in the treatment of 
Kautilya : 

(1) Kautilya does not define the title or give full détails of 
punishment in the case of varions thefts. 

(2) He has not treated of this as an independent title. He takes 
it as a part of offences of murder, kidnapping, thefî etc, that arc trcaîcd 
in IV. 6 and ÏV.8. 

(3) He is more intercsted in the description ofcatchini» thievcs^ 
methods of investigation, methods of extracting confession and so on, 
ail of which show how a criminal is îo be cniight and dealt with. 

What Kautilya gives in (iii) abovc should be considcred his valu- 
able contribution to the évolution of the title and we get only a few 
stray and casual références about the rest. 

When Kautilya deals with suspect-criminals, thieves, murderers 
etc., in IV. 6. 2 to 5, Kautilya concèdes arrest on suspicion and he gives 
a long list of various suspicions. Thèse can be principally divided into 
three types as under : 

(1) Those who create suspicion by their facial expressions and 
external behaviour. 

(2) Those who are probable habituai criminals and thercfore on 
the list of the secret guards. 

(3) Those who are probable criminals through inheritance of 
criminality. 

It needs hardly to be added that the treatment of the subjcct is 
thoroughly scientific though brief. 



32 S.V, UNIVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

Kautilya next turns îo a detailed inquiry of the criminaL He 

wants the inquiry to be sysîemaîic, thorough and proceeding step by 
siep, He lays down thèse as the sîeps in îhe matter of inquiry : 

:'i) Arrest with article of thoroagh suspicion. 

(îi) înquiry of d,ealers of the article to corroborate theft or 

otherwise. 

(iii) Questioning the persoa with whom the stoîen article was 
found. There is to be interrogation of the probable accused in fui! 
détails. Corroboration is always to be sought. 

(i v) The person who lost the article and bas therefore complained 
is to be interrogated in détails. This wilî eliminate false complaints as 
aiso faîse récognition of the article stolen. Hère also corroboration is 

a musî. 

(v) The person who runs away after stealth and is arrested is to 
he questioned. His daim to theoretical is any should be examined. 
Hère also corroboration is a must. 

(vi) Bxamining after recognizing an insider or outsider as thief. 

(vii) Torture in proper limits when other means fail. 

There are, besides thèse, a few very important provisions in 
Kautiîya as follows : 

(1) The method of interrogation and the évidence collected 
thereby is admissible only upto three days of the commital of the 
offence. Then it is inadmissible, the only exception in this being the 
finding of the tools of stealth. 

(2) When it is proved that an innocent raan has been charged 
with theft by some one,. the person who sa charges is to be treatcd as a 
thief. The other similar case is hiding the person who Isa thief. In 
the modem sensé, hiding the thief is abettment of the oifence and the 
offence as a whole becomes cognizablc. 

(3) Kautiîya lays down that even when the person who is interro- 
gated is confused and prattling, he is to be taken as a suspect and not 
as a thief. If no corroboration is found, he is to be acquitted • because 
confusion and prattling may be there through (a) fright, or (bj fear of 
torture. Thus, Kâutilya specificalîy lays down that corroboration and 
fuUproofbeyond doubt are necessary to punish an accused and inter- 
rogation and torture are only means to extract reality. 

(4) One more deep thinkîng of Kautilya is with référence to 
torture. He acccpts torture as a means of extracting truth from the 



THEFT IN DHARMASASTRA 33 

suspects. He lays down the types of torture. But he knows its dangers 
and therefore gives a detailed iist of Chose who are net to be tortured 
and also îays down that under no circumstance should torture lead to 
death of the persoii tortured. 

(5) He isspeciiSc about not putîing brahmins to torture. But 
after doiûg îhis he lays down that when brahmins or ascetîcs are sus- 
pects, secret agents shalî be placed on them to note their words and 
movements so that truth may corne to light. He aîso states that wheii a 
brahmin deserves death, he is îo be banished* He aîso lays down an 
alternative in punishing the brahmin with hard labour. 

It can thus be seen that Kautilya in this particular title and in the 
title of murder is important for supplying the légal system and criminaî 
procédure code uniike ail smrtikarâs. This is his very important 
contribution. 



AKÂTI MITRA 

THE RHYME IN SANSKRIT LITERATURE 



The tcrm Rime^ is closely associated with the Word rhythm which 
is perhaps originated from the expression Ritijni and Rithmici versus^-^a 
kind of accentuai composition în the Middie Latin characterised by the 
identical terminal sound, 

Rhyme has never been favoured by the conservative poets who 
took it with a dérision in theory but not always in practice. This 
opinion holds true with the compositions of aîmost ail the languages- 

Sanskrit has got no commonly acceptcd term for rime. Early 
manuals are acquainted with the terms of two verbal a.niûcts -Yamakam 
and Prâsa, But the highly artifîcîal character bf yamaka was con- 
spicuous in the early concept of alankara as ittequires '* pphagyama 
nivartam**^, the criterion proposcd by Ânandavardhana, *" prayena 
yamake cître rasapusiîr na drkyate^. ** taitu naïkâàtamadhûram^^, 
yamaksnulomaiadîtaracakrMdi^ bhido^ tirasa vîrodkînyalt. Abhîdhuna- 
mâtra meîat gaddarikâ pravaho râ " - Ail oï th^s^ alankârîkâs arc 
agreed on the point that yàmaka in no way accçssary to Rasa. ïnspite 
of fact this artifice as mbdalahkâra got an elaborate treatment from 
the âge of Bharata. 



1. **Rime is more correctly spelled as rîme from provindaî WoVk rîm, its custo- 
mary English spelling is the resuit of coinfiision with rhythm v ^Èncychpaedict 
Britanicas y ol, XJX, pp. 271, 1965, ' n 

2. The English Dictionary - Murray VoL VIÏI, p, 6^5. 

3. The Dhmnyâloka - P. 222. Vrtti on ïïl, 17. KSS. Ï35. 

4. The Kâvyàdaréa I. 61. Ed. Ananta Ià||^Thakpr 1957. / 

5. The Kâvy3nu4âsana vrtti on 5/4. Voi;)!. Hcmacaudra, p. ^aX^dC/MasiCfel'l 'iCft^ 
Parikhl938. 



36 S.V. UNIVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

Likewise prasa or anuprasa^ has been treated by thc early 
ëiankarikâs. 

Rime in the best of the probability developed from thcse two 
figures — yamakam and prësa, 

ît imbibed the quaiity of an anuprâsa which in the parlance of the 
eleventh century âiankârika rasadyanugatah prakrsto nyâso'nupràsdhJ 
Heracandra too describes anuprâsa as rasadyanugatah prakrsiah^ in bis 
Svûpajna-vrîtî, 

Rime on the other hand took the feature of theyamakam-^sadâ^ 
hhyasûîp tu yamakam in the Nàtyasâstra of Bharata and the définition 
of pâdânîa yamakam is wide enough to embrace the scope of rime — 

caturnum yatra padânâmante syàî samamaksaram j 
îadvai padânta yamakam vîjneyam mamato yathâ jj "^ 

aksaramity ekamanekam ca samhrtamJ^ 

^^94in too defines it: samghata gocaram - yamakam^^ - i.c,, 
(vide Bhasya) ekavarnâvrtti vîsyavrttir amiprâsah — anekavarnâvrttis tu 
yamakam^' 

Vâmana is more clear in laying stress on this point - padanw^ 
prasak pàdayamakavat^^ ye pàdayamakasya bhedah, te padnnuprâsasya 
iîy arihah, 

Practically, in the early parlance, yamakam can stand for ail 
figures of Sound. Yet it would not be an exaggeration to mention in this 
connection, that in Piii literature jâfmaÂ;a/« has been applied in its truc 



6. a) The Kâvyâdaréa •— I. 55. " vamâvrttîr anuprâsah * ' . 



b) Thc Kâvyâlakkârasutra vrm-(Vâmaaa) IV.L Z.-- éesahsampo' miprâsah' 
Ed. Dr. Nagendra. 1954. * ' ^ . «* 

C/ The Kav^^aprakâàa-iillasa IX. P. 201. -vamasâmvam amiprâsah^^-Âmnû^ 
srama Séries 89. - 

d) The Kâvymusâsana V. L '' Vyahjanasyâvrtti ranuprâsah ". 

e) * * The Amiprâsah âabdsâmyam vaisamye'pi svarasyatat ". 

f) The ârngâr^rakâéa IL P. ^m. - Varnânâmanatidûrântam mâvrttir 

mnuprâsak*\ 

7. The Kâvyaprakâéa - vrtti on the deinhion of anuprâsa. 

8. The Kmymuéâsana vrtti on the définition of anuprâsa^ V.ï. 

9. The Nâtyaéâstra Ch. XVI. 63. Gos. 

10. Abhinavagupta's gloss on thc définition. 

1 1 . The Kavyâdmâa I. 61. 

12. Vrttî OE thc sQtra of I. 6 J . Kâvyâdaréa, 

13. Vâmami — î V. L 10. 



THE RHYME ÏN SANSKRIT LITERATURE 37 

form, where the terra yamjyam lias been inserted. The SuttakUahga^^ 
one of the earliest Buddhist scriptures contains a number of verses where 
the example of the samdasta y amakamcd.n ht tmctà. Culminating ail 
the ideas nurtured by the predecessors, Visvanâtha made the spécial 
treatment of rime in his Sàhîîyadarpana. 

vyanjanam ced yathëvasîham sahâdyena svarena tu 
àvartyate'ntya yoj'yatvâdantyànuprâsa eva îat^^ '/ 

yaîhâvasîham iti yathàsambhavam anusvâra visarga svarasamyukîâksara 
vîsisîam esa ca prâyena psdasya padasya cante prayoj'yoh Padanîagah 
"mandam hasanîah pulkarn vahantah' 

But cmtyânuprasa in short, pr'âsa used in iate century is not iin- 
heard of in prosody. Hemacandra, knew thèse two figures prasa and 
yamaka but he despised antyâmprasa in his Kavyanmâsana. But that 
he is fuîly aware of this figure has been fully detected in his treatment 
of the Apa. mètre khanjakam,^^ Where as Pkî. Paîhgalam used the 
common term yamitam for the use of both prâsa and yamakaj'^ Ganga- 
dâsâ too used common term for thèse two verbal figures. ^^ Complète 
absence of treatment of rhyme in the respective manuals in poetics ied 
some authors to thînk that intrusion of rhyme in Sanskrit literatureis 
due to the influence of foreign literature that came in close contact of 
it. The following dissertation is enough to foil the conception of those^^ 



14. ZDMG. Vol. 40. PP. 101. 1886. 

Jamaiyam paduppannam agamissam ca nâyao 
savvam mannati tam tai damêanâvaran antae 

antae vitigicche anelisam 

anelisassa akkhâya 

15. The Sâhîtya Darpana X. 6- 6. KSS. 145. 

16. " Galitakam eva yamakam sanuprâsam samahghri 
khahjakam^' - Chando^ nuéâsanam IV. 42. vide vrtti- 

" Pûrvakâny evagalitakâni yamaka rahitâni, sanuprâsmii 
yadî bhavanti tadâ khanfaka samjnâni". He calls it 
** anuprâsa** in contrast to yamakam. 

17. In the définition of Soratta chandah, Pkt, Faihgalam I. 170. the word * Yamaka ' 
has beea used. Bui in use, ''Frasa " has been cmployed. Vide comm. p. 278. 
(B. I. Ed.) 

** YamakamanuprSsam vyâcaksva " where as the word '' Yamaka " in the défini- 
tion of * AdiUya*' chandah I. 128. shows the use of true yamakam. 

18. The Chandomanjari VI. 15. CSS. 

*' Pratipada yamakita sodaéamâtra etc. 

Hère the expression ''yamakîta'' has référence to the rhynied pâda. 

19. R.S. Dinakar - Samskrti Kâ car Adhyâya, Delhi 1956, PP. 353-355, 
Dr. H.P. l>yivcdï'- Hindi Sâhîtya Kâ Adikal-1951, p. 93. 



3S S.V. UNÏVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

who speciaîly argue tliat infiltration of rhyme in Sanskrit literature is 
due to the Arabie influence whose verse composition practice Kafiâ-^ a 
kind of anîyanupmsa from the earfy century of our era, 

Almost every rhyming word lias significance in that it is associated 
with one or another of the main thought feeiings of the poem. Rhyme 
is rather unostentatious nnlike yamaka, and aîways helpiîig to shape 
and gives a cîarity and edge îo the content to the thought and feeling, 
coalesce with rhythm That is why in the fervent iyricaî passages of 
Rsis we would meet the rhymed verses. Rhyme in literature is associ- 
ated with the metricai pause rather than with the sensé pause. Ncces- 
sity of terminal identical /?a^a arises with référence jto pada. In this 
connection, oneshouîd pay attention to another point i.e, the metricai 
pause, within the îine where the rhyme has been practised, in order to 
make it more prominent. Late century literatures used to mafce practise 
of such artifice in the stotra type of kàvya which he will show later. în 
the èarliest ^/orm:fe^F>»ûf itis not rare. 

End rhyme in Rgvedic verses: 

Agnimile purohîtam 

Yajftasya devamrtvijant 

Ho tarant ratnadhâtamam 

Indra yahî dhîyesiîo 

Viprajntdh sutavatdh 

Upa Brahmanî vaghatah RV. L 3. 5. 

Rhyme in metricai pause: 

Yâni rûpïïnî uîavtsnyanî 

Ya vam pratnam sakhya sivânî 

Tebhîh Somasya pîbatam suîasya Rv. L 108. 5. 

Svaduskilâyam madhumâm utayam ; 

Tivrahkilayam rasàva utayam RV. VI. 47. 1, 

The îast onc howcver, the cxample of application of chime, 
usually applied in the apabhramsa poetry. Usually remarkable the verse 
in which there exists both rime and chîme : 

Nadam va odatïnâm 

Nadûtn yo yuvatmâm RV. VIIL 69.2 ab. 

The rhyme is but correlating agent which binds consécutive lines 
and créâtes an organic pattern. 



20. Kâfiyâ-Atcrm in proaDdy meaning rhyme generally which the Arabie poet 
always retaias, till h« has coded the poem. ~ 

Eftcychpaediaof hlam.,. Vol, IL Pt. 2. P. 62L . 
*' Miiîambbi ''- Pk% Arabie poetry elaimed to bc vcry earlier. 



THE RHYME ÎN SANSKRIT LÎTERATURE 39 

îîi the earîy Pitakas^ thc rhyme applied sometimes enable to restore 
ïts verse form. The Vlnoya pîtakam. Vo3, I pp, 42. - 

gambhire nanavisaye^-^ 
anuîtare upïïdhîsmkhaye. 

The Vinayopifakam^ Vol. Il, p. 143 - 

dighe, kacche, phone, latthe 
sîîîha udakaîelake 
âdàs udapmtavanâ 
alepo madda cunnâ. 

The Ramayana the first classical kâvya places the number of ver- 
ses which are the furnishing proof of the fact that the cnnscious use of 
Sound device. both rhyme and chime, was reorganised quitc eaiiy în 
Sanskrit literature. 

A few examples are sufficient to prove it : 

taîah sa madhyangatam amkumantam 
jyotsnâ vitânam muhur udvamantam j 
dadaréû dhiman hhuvi bhânumantam 
gosjhe vrsam mattam iva hhramanîam il 

a fine spécimen of rhyme and one shouîd note even the occasional 
beat of it on the metricaî pause. 

Lîkewise 

krtâni vesmànî ca pandurânl 

tathïï supuspany api puskarînyàh j 

punaàca padrnUni sakesarani 

vananî eîtranî tathetarâni // (V. 7. 10 (Bombay éd.) 

Bengali recension raodiiîes the second line and reading runs thus > 

îatha praphuUani ca puskaruni / . :'^" .,, 

punah sa paàmotpalàkeéaranî vanâni cîtrEfti tatHetarâni fj 

In V. 5. 16 (a) nadadbhih (b) susadbhih (c) grasaàbhîh (d) svasad^ 

hhîh. -''-" ' ' '-' ' ■" " ■'■ \-''" 

In Y. 7. 4» The lines end w.ith hîtanf^y mîtani, grhânî and 
anviîani, 

So also in W. recension. V. 7. 16. ' ' 

iatah sa tUm Jçapir abhipaîya pûjitafft 
caran purîm dakamukha bâhunîrjîtam j 

21 . Vide Rhys David's note in, SBE. XIII. PP. 149 - The words f j 
down to "" upâdhimmkhaye.^' form a sloka, This \s, oiie pf tb 
ces, where an older passage was in verse. 



4:; S.V. UNIVERSiTY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

adrsya iâm janakasutâm sudukkhiîam 
supûjfiâm paîîgiifpaveganirjlîam jj 

According îo Bharata îhis can be îaken as the illustration of 
atjyayamaka. But we should better take it as the best spécimen of the 
amyànuprasa , because, according to later aîânkara nîbandhas - yama- 
kam tu vidhaîaxyam na kadacîdapi tripat. Over and above we can note 
the rhyme on the metricaî pause, that we hâve already noticed even in 
the literature beîooging to in the carîy fringe of the Vedic literature- 
Jabhausajau gîii rucira caîurgrahe, This verse can be termed so there- 
fore woiild hâve contain pause at fourth and at îhe end. Except the 
second iine, we hâve fine rhyme at the fourth and at the end. To 
mulîîply the examples, we can show that the closing verse of the ch . V.7, 
contain rhyme, where the endings of the four lines are respectiveîy - 
îatmanah, varîmonah, tammanah and hrîmanah. 

Practïcaily speaking, in Vedic passages, in early Pâli literature, 
and even in eplcs, tricks of yamaka frequently can be noticed than the 
rimes indicating the pada pause. Making foil to version of those who 
think that Arabie poetry inflicted rime to the body of Sanskrit kâvyas, 
We can show early Skt. kdvyas îike those of Asvaghosa and others pré- 
sent numerous passages with the rimed pàdas. FoIIowing spécimens are 
su me of the numerous verses :- 

The Buddhacaritam :~ 1. 77. 

duhkhafditebhyo vîsayâvrtebyah 
samsara kântsrapathasthîtebhyah 
âkhyâsyati hyesa vimoksamârgant- 
mârga pranastebhya ivadhvagebhyah jj 

îf 4, nïïnânkacîhnaih navahemabhandaih 
abhUsitairïambasataî stathânyaih j 
samcuksubhe câsya puram turahgaih 
baîena maftrys ca dhanena càptaih // 

II L L taîah kadacin mrdusâdvalànî 
pumskùkilonmdîta padapâni 
susrâva padmakammanditâni, 
site mbaddhânî sa kananâni jj 

în The Saundarananda kavya i 

calatkadambe himavannitùmbe j 
iarau praîambe camaro lalambe jj 

One shouîd note the pause whicb fails on the fifth in the version 
of Arnold, the late ceasura.22 

22. Arnold Vedic Mètre, Vîde 2C6 iv and aise 207 ii. ' 



THE RHYME IN SANSKRIT LITERATURE 41 

Rhymed verses are not rare in Buddhist Saoskrit literature* 
Séries of verses of such a type eau be traced in the Laltiavistara :- 

P.406. (Ed. R.L.Mitra). 

suvagcniake rfuvace agatake 

vayanjma sujâta susamsthiîîkâh 

ratîmo priyà phullitapâdapake etc. 
Kâlidâsa favours rime rather than yamaka^^ But as an orthodox 
classical poet, he tried to avoid both of thèse verbal figures, so as 
Bhavabhûti. 

The Sàkumala : Àcî. IH 14. 

tumba ni âne hîaam marna una maono dlvâ araîhfm j 
nîkkiva davai balfm îuha huamanorahâi angaîm // 

Àct, V. I. 

ahinavamahuloha bhavîo îahaparîctmbîocûo manjarîm / 
kamaîavasa îmeo nîvvuo mahuara vîsarîo sînam kaham // 

The Mâîatîmadhava : act. VI. 13. 

uddamadehaparldâha mahàjvarënî 
sankaîpa sahgama vînodîta vedanâfiî j 
tvatsneha samvidavîlambita jivîtïïnî 
kîm va mayâpî na dinany ativahitânî jj 

It is in the Sîstipâlavadha, we hâve some cases of yamaka whîch 
in late days is responsible for the growth of yamakakavya. Among the 
Skt. kâvyas other than lyrics, Hancariîa can be mentioned for its 
distinguishing traits, i.e., its adaptation of rhyme throughout the work. 
The occasional variation wilh double rhyme in the same foot, créâtes 
the lucidity coupled with smooth flov^ which appears like musical har- 
mony. Without any doubt, the so called rhymed verses accord well with 
sweet and sonorous nature of Gondi, of long established standing. 

Nowhere has bsen so successful the rhyme in musical adaptation 
of syllabic mètre as in the stotra kavyas m Sanskrit literature. The 
earliest typeof which is Gofîi.5'/orra^af/?â of Asvaghos^, where religious 
message, musical exécution and fervent lyrical appeal are joined in a fine 
symphony. Bat the later hymns are worth to cite bccause of their 
equisite sensé of rhythm in which the tranquility of thought is combinée 



23. Rhvmeist'ie identity of sounds at the end oflines. This may be in the last 
sylldble or in the last two syllables chime or yamakam, is the récurrence of the 
samewords atany part of the Unes. The words sometimss convey différent 
sensés sometimes not. 



42 S.V. UNIVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURNAL. 

witkîhe liarmony in expression and syrametry in form. One should note 
themetrical pause at the seventh, fourteenth and twentyfirst of a srag-' 
dharâ verse which hâve been marked by the rhymed words : 

Gcnâistotra gâtkct : VIÎ, Lines 21-22- 

dhyair âkarnapûraîh kamaladalanibhaih paksmalîlsvihlaih j 
bhavasnfgdhair vidagdhaîh pracalîiaîatîka sammitaîr bhruvildsaih Ij 

Lines 33-36 : 

Marânlkaîr mahaughaïh asiparasudhanuh âaktîsulâgrahastaih 
ulkâpataîr anekairdahanapaturavaîh bhisan2ir bhlmanadaih / 

naksubdham yasya cîttam girîrlva na calam gâdhaparyahka baddhom 
îam vande vandaniyam tribhavabhayaharam Buddhavîram suviram j] 

Likewise birudas and giîas of the Vaisnavas are of greater interest for 
their extraordinary metrical harmony and prodigality of verbal dexterity. 

The Krsmhmkakaumudî^'^ of Kavikarnapiira is in six prakasas 
comaining seven hundred and five rhymed syllabic mètres. The Mukunda-- 
mukîdvalî proves to be a fînest spécimen of \yxio2i\kavya, in respect of 
its fine pictorml fancy and skillful adjustment of sound effect. Ofthe 
thirty rhymed stanzas, we can quote hère one sîanza in mâh'ni mètre 
made mémorable by ejffective middie rhyme. 

Maîim : namjaladhara vatfiam - campakodbhasi karnam 
vïkasîta nalînâsyam - vîsphuran mandahâsyom / 
kanaka ruci dukiïîam ^ c^ru barhâvacuîam 
kamapî nîkhiJa sâram ~ naumî gopî kumaram // 

Similar attempt to evoîve new rhythmicand lyrical forms through 
verbal and metrical melody being more efiTective by the jiggling of rhyme, 
in prose, verse and song bas been vouchsafed by the hymnographer. 

Syllabic mètres like cîtrâ, jaîoddhatagatî. tunaka, sragvfni, even 
long sardulavîkridîta and vasantatiîaka are employed with gre'at skill 
and fine adjustment of sound effect. Without multiplying examples, we 
can place hère one in rare matta in svayamutpreksita liîa and in 
jaloddhatagati in the Mukundamukmvaîi: 

bhrhgîveyam Ism aparimâyam 
mugdhâ gandham krdikrta bandham 



24. Ed. Haridâsa in ^eijg^lî chara^er, Haribole Kutir, Navadwipa, 1941. 



THE RHYME IN SANSKRIT LITERATURE ' " .. 43 

vyagra prayâ .puîakîta kâyà 

premodbhatïï dtuîam abhi yïïis-. ceasura falls onfourth 

and sixth which is- cooventionaL^s 

Equally worth citing is much known jaloddhatagaii :- 

vihâra sadanant manojna radanam 
, prâniîa madanam sasânkd vadanant . 

We need not sweij our limited spope by devoting to farther dis- 
cassîon in the aniazing literary prodigality of the iS-fo/ra^avj^a^ in.wear- 
iîig endle&s pattern of rhythojsic richness în which the rhyme bas an 
indispensable part to J play; We may dlose our survey by ■ referrîng 
mémorable gî/i^ bf Jayadeva comprising both syllabia -aiid moric 
mètres which are distinguished by its embellished use of rhyme.?^ " 

It can be said in view of what has been argued before ,that tbe 
évidence of the lyrical composition is décisive as the very oî.d ageof .the 
rhyme. The évidence ôf a/^wfem thought is no iess nïideçisîve, 
Bharata's définition oîyamaka, embracing the scope of ail kinds of figures, 
of Sound belongs to that position which are older than what we get in 
îater works. Rhyme always aiming at musical grâce through verse end- 
ing, appears sporadically in early so called lyric passages but visits 
frequently or règuîarly in Iater times discarding the fairly well establised 
practice. Giveii dissertation , is sufflcient to show that eyen long and 
sustained composition in suçh a medivim isilsb possible in Sanskrit 
kayos. It is ëlegant without being difflcult and artificial and affluent 
without beingdevoid of conyeying ail shades of feelings. 



25 a) VideHalf yudha on the sûtra VI. 14. Pingala ch, sûtra - 

'^ "^'éûà.mMrbhi^sa^dbhiéca yatirityamnd^icih*' 

b) Jaîoddhatûgatîr jasati jasau rasarfayah // VI 34- 

" . •Pingalach. sùtra ,»......; {sadbhifsadbhiicàyatîh). 

26, -r a; • vedonuddharàti jagant'vahate IhûgolamMdbibhrate 

daifyam darayate balîm chûlàyate ksatraksayam kmaté 
', êardUlarîkrXdita — pause a 1 12 (6 -Syi. 

h) matracchùndah 

"pcitatipatatreyîcalîtû pâtre 

éamkitù bhavadupa yâriam I 
raaayati àayatiam sacakita riGyanam 

::: :v ■' ,.- ; ^pà/yatl tav£t pantïmnamji V ff^'il^. 



DR. BANI CHAKRAVORTHY 

A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF THE SOCIAL CUSTOMS 

OF BENGAL AND MITHÎLA AS RECORDED IN THE 

WORKS OF RAGHUNANDANA AND 

VÀGASPATIMISRA^ 



It is intended hère to discuss critically the viewsof Raghunandana 
of the sixteenth century, the fairest jewel in the crown of Bengal smrti, 
recorded in his several works and those of Vacaspatimisra^ a smrii'* 
nîbandhnkâra of Mithilâ of the fifteenth century in his several Works. 

RaghuBandana has to his crédit an encyclopaedic work on the 
différent branches of DharmasUstras styled as Smrtîtattva, divided into 
twenty eight sections called taîtvas. Besides thèse, he also compiled 
more or less ten works, by which he earned for him the appellation 
'Smârtabhûttâcïïrya' or simply 'Smarta from later writers. He is 
placed between A.D. 1510 to 1565.2 On the other hand, Vâcaspatimisra 
is the foremost smrtînibandha-writer of Mithilâ. He composed 
several works of which the Pitrbhaktitarangînî, is the latest of his 
extant treatises. He déclares at the end of this book^- 

**sïïstre dasa smrtau trîmsah nîbandhà yena yauvane / 
nîrmimstena carame vayasyesa vînir marne H " 

* Paper read in the twenty sîxth session of the AU India Oriental Conférence, 
Ujjain, M.P., 1972, 

1. This Vâcaspatimisra is to be distinguished from the great philosopher Vâcaspatî 
who was the author of the j^/zâma/?, on the éârirakabhSsya of éankara and of 
several other commsntaries on other Systems of Indian Phîlosophy, flourishing 
in thefirst half of the ninth century, There was another Vâcaspati who wrote 
the Smrtîsârasamgruha and flourished in the first half of the eighteeath century. 
(History of Dharmasâstra, Vol. 1, P.V. Kane, p. 405). 

2. History ofDharmaéâstra, Vol. 1, by Kane, p. 419. 

3. PitrbhaktUarahginî, Ms. A.S.B. No. G 4127, folio - 92b. 



46 S.V. UNIVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

and thirty works ,„ smrn, he. now in his old âge, made this treatise. 

rei.n,J/r^.'-'""'''^.' *^' ^"^^°' "^ ^/«f"" Works flourished in the 
S> ■= 'T ^"^' S^^^'^^^^^in^hadeva in his earlier years and of 

Bha-rava's son Râmabhadradeva of Mitfail^ in his later years 4 ffi 

leaTlTr:?."";-'''^ *'^^^''^"' ^^^-^^ -- ^ large «Lbero 

nn,iti.^^f ""'^"'^''"^ '^^'"■'''' ^° ^^ congratulated net only for the com- 

S lit'e aTurrh Tf'^t \"' '°^ '^^ ^^''^^ ^^^«'"^^'P ^ ^'^^'--■ 
ZtZianJT \ . ? *"' ^'"' Powersof observation with the 
icondtion'o? t ''■'' ^f'^'^^^- '^^-'«^ and rituals in thehelp- 
BeLal wT 5-'°"' Î: °^ '**' ^^'''°*^ ^°d sixteenth centuries of 

iiengal at that time. The people were much disturbed by both inner and 

positfonof thTva"; T'T t"' '^'^"- ^^ ^'^^ ^^^--"^ «^ the corn! 
position of the vast «î&i?«ûf/ia lUerature the Buddhist Pâla kins. whn 

rnr.t:Tad'::iî' ^'t^ "^^^ " ^^^-^^^^^^ ^^^ Bui^hisfi^^Sigt: 

and many Buddhist works, ^vere wriiten under their encourasement 
wuh the result that people began to be converted to Buddh, "' a ter 
their régime the Sena kings he!d tbe reigns of sovereignty iT Bêla 
Fortunately they were Brahmanists and so they encouraged theSi 
of Brahman.cal .deas and practices. By their patronage many treaUses 
werecomposedby Aniruddhabhatta, his royal patron%"l âlasena h 
son Laksmanasena and Halâyudha. But the effor of popu rïsing 
Brahmamca ntua s was soon stopped by the invasions ofLSam! 
medans. Thèse Muhammedans diverted the minds of people from Sr 
rehg,ous Works. By the tyranny of the invaders the backbone of the 
country totally broke down. In this helpless condition of^ socieïy 
Raghunandana appeared as an authority on the sàs.ras. NaturaHy he 
rul a°.d '''' '': '®'^"'* responsibility ofsaving the l^SZ; '^ 

rues and cérémonies from the torture of the Muhammedans Befo^eTis 

hke Sujapanu Brhaspati, Râyamukuta, Srînâtha, Àcârya Cildâmani 
Govmdananda e,c, partly tried to protect ,he society and B^^Znvà 
dharma hy compo.ing several nibandhas, but their attempts werTTot 
crowned with complète success. Thea the difficult task of'wrid Is ch 
Works as would remove the doubts and divergent opinions as regards he 
^^"^l.^L^l^^^'''"''^' '''''' ^^' "«t^^^d upon Raghu! 

4. History of Mithilâ, U.N. Thakur, p. 333. 

5. History of Navya-Nyàya, Dinesh Chandra Bhattacharya. p. 157. 



SOCIAL CUSTOMS OF BENGAL AND MITHÏLÂ ~ 4.7 

nandana. So he had to criticize and rcfuîe the opinions of many niban-. 
dha-writers of différent régions of India and establish his own views so 
distinctly as would prevent confusion among the people. Raghunandana 
îhus criîicized the views of ihe nibandha-writers of Mithila to détermine 
the exact rites and customs which are pureîy Brahraanical. So he voci- 
ferously reject d the views of Vâcaspatimisra; the crest jewel among the 
scholars of Mithilâ with such terms as Vâcaspaiîmîsrokîam heyam, MaithU 
lokiam heyam, Misroktam apâstam (i.e., the views of Vâcaspatimisra is 
to be rejectedj the opinion of the Maithilas is to be refuted, the view of 
Misra is refuted, etc.). The présent writer in her Bengali monograph 
entitled Samàjasatmkara Raghunandana has discussed the views of 
Raghunandana as compared with those of other nîbandhakaras of Bengal 
and those of Mithila. 

On the other hand, Vâcaspatimisra of Mithila made no attempt 
to reject so boldly the views of the writers of Bengaî, though the social 
conditions of Mithila had become equally painful in those days. Sîncc 
the break-up of the Videhan monarchy and Vajjian confederacy, 
extending down to the advent of the karnâtas in the eleveqth century 
A.D., the history of Mithila became a story of continuons defeats and 
subjugations. Being poîitically stagnant Mithila lay prostrate at the 
feet of the conquerors. It was after a long spell that She rose under the 
brave and inspiring leadership of great Nanyadeva, the founder of the 
Karnâta pr the Simraon dynasty in which a new era of splendid glory 
and great achievements of Hindu mpnarchy was re-established.^ Eut 
after having ruled over Mithila for two centuries and a quarter, this 
dynasty also met itstragic end. Then the Sugaon dynasty ofKâmesyara 
was established by the Émperor Ghias-ud-din Tughlùq and the rulerâ of 
this family played no remarkable existence. During the reign of 
Simraon régime and Sugaon dynasty Mithila tried her utmost to continue 
the Hindu scholarship and learning through Nyaya, Mimâmsâ and 
Dharmasàstra studies. But during the later régime the country was 
much disturbed by Mussalman inroads and Buddhism, Jaînism and 
Tantrism also knocked at the doors of the région before long. We know 
the versatile scholars \n Mithila like Candesvarathakkura, Vidyâpati 
upadhyâya, Vâcaspatimisra, etc., who composed their treatises at this 
condition of the society of MitliiiS under the kings of thèse régîmes. 

Now we may discuss critically varipus social customs, as recorded 
in the Works of Raghunandana and those of Vâcaspatimisra, 

în the month of Jyestha there is a vrata csiUed Dasahara occur 
at the conjunction of the tenth rifhi of Jyestha with the bright foftnight 

6. History of Mithi'â. p. 227, 



48 S.V. UNÏVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

and the Hasm astcrism. In this vrata a person would hâve to bathe in 
the Ganges and become free from ten sins, namely mahâpâîakas (i.e., 
mortal sîqs), upapatakas (i.e., mÎDor sins) etc. 

The ten sins are divided into three classes nameîy of the body, of 
speech and of mind. It was supposed that the Goddess Gangct came 
down îo the earth on this tithî. Raghunandana opines that in Dasahara 
vraîa the Ganges only has been prescribed fit for bathing, but not any 
other river, as îhe name of the Ganges occurs in the Bhavisyapur^naJ 
But according îo Vâcaspatimisra, a man has got to bathe in any river on 
the Dt/iaAarj day by which he would obtain the spiritual resuit of this 
vraîa,^ Candesvarathakkura of Mithila has commented that the bath 
in the Ganges in this vrata, destroys the ten sins and a man acquires the 
requisite religious mérita but the bath in any other river also destroys the 
ten sins only.^ Now a days in the Society of Bengale the bath in the 
Ganges is resorted to, according to Raghunandana's prescription a 
festival and worship of the Ganges are celebrated generally on that day. 

In the Janmâsiami vrata if there is Rohînlnaksaîra (asterism) on 
the midnight of the eighth tithî of the darkhalf of Bhâdra, the tithi is 
then styled as the Jayantî; if a man observes a fast on that tithi, that 
destroys his sins committed by him in his childhood, youth and old âge 
and evén in many previous lives also. The main items of this vrata, 
are the fast and worship of Lord Krsna etc. But if there is no Rohinî 
star on Bhadra dark haîf of the eighth tithî, it is called simply Janmastami, 
according to Raghunandana. ^^ But Vâcaspatimisra states in his Dvaita- 
nirnaya^^ that the Jayantivrata is to be performed if there is Rohinî ïn 



7. vastutastu vaksyamanabhavisye Jâhnavipada-sravamt hetuvannigada svarasâcca 
Brahmavaîvafte' pi saritpadam JShnavï paramanyatha nanâvidhîh syât - 

Jyaîsthasukiadaéamyâmtu hastâyogena Jâhnavl j 
harate daàa pâpanî tasmâddasaharocyûte j j 

Tiîhîtatîva. p. 24. 

8. evam Jyaîstkaé jklaiaé umyâm kevaîayârn nadïsnmasya dasavidha pâpâbhi- 
hiddhih phulam, evam danasya' 

XrrwwaASr/î^va: Ms. No. A.S,B. 3420 f. 31b. 

9. mako^aîavârahastâyukta-jyaîsihasiikladaéamyâmsvMm-vîdhïh punyasançayo dasa- 
vidhapapa-ksayàéca phafam Gmgâyëm sdrimnatre tu daÉavldhapGpanZéaham. 

: ' '■ - . . , Krtyaraînâkara, p. 188. 

10- 'yatha'Sifnhârka'rokïnïyukta narâh Kr mâstami yadi rïïtryctrdhapûrvâparagâ 
jayaniXkaîayâpicaiti VarùkasamhitWi* 
' \ . . V Tîthîmttva. p. 16. 

IL 'Dmda^asmpî Krml^stamïmrohmïyogapuraskârend Jayanîîvratam]' 

Dvaitamniaya^ p 60: 



SOCIAL CUSTOMS OF BENGAL AND MITHILÂ 49 

the eighth tîthî of the darkhalf of the twelve months. In his Krtyamahiï- 
Tfiava and Varsakrîya, Vâcaspatimisra's view tallies with the same 
opinion. ^2 gy criticizîng this view Raghunandaiia is of opinion that the 
Rohifti asterism does never occur in the eighth îîthî oï the darkhalf of 
the twelve months J3 So in the society of Bengal the Janmâstami vrata 
would be observed in the month of Bhadra aîone and if there occiirs a 
conjunction in îhe eighth tîthi in the darkhalf, the Jayamîvrata 
wouid be celebrated when the fast would be performed mainly by the 
householders. 

A few words may now be said about some types of sràddha in 
which the social practices of Berïgal differ from those of Mithilà. 

The vrddhîkrïïddha is to be performed on auspicious occasions or 
on the undertaking of meritorious acts as the word vrddhi literally 
means 'luck' or 'auspicious event'. The auspicious occasions are births 
or marriages of sons and daughters, or entering into a new house, pr 
naming a child, at the tîme of cûdàkarana (a rite in which a lock of 
hair is kept after the first cutting of the same on child's head), at 
sîmanîonnayana ceremony observed by women in the fourth, sixth or 
eighth month of pregnancy) etc. It is remarkable hère that the Hindus 
in Bengal hâve faith in différent samskâras which would be performed 
to remove the taînts derived from the parents and the accumulated 
taints due to seed, blood and womb, are removed by thèse varions 
samskâras, Now a days the samskâras aiso are celebrated collectivcly 
or separately. Accordîng to Raghunandana, on the occasion of 
nhkramana {i.Q., Uking the child out of the house in the open), 
amaprusana (i.e., making the child eat cooked food for the first time) 
cûdàkarana, upanayana (taking near the ac&rya for instruction), etc. 
the vrddhîkrMdha would hâve to be performed but garhhMhëna 
samskara (a ceremony performed be fore the first conception) no such 



12. 'qtra ca vraie rohinïyoga yukîo * pyupalaksanam. 

varse varse ityabhidhâne sarvavarsakartavyopasamhUrâU atraitadasiamya 
rUrir jayantVi * ». 

Krtyamaharnava Ms. f. 45a, 
Q,ndvarsakttya Ms. A.S.B. No. G. 8682 f. 24a, 

After this stateraent, yâcaspatiraisra quotçs the vîews of.the Beôgal 
sœrtir^gardingthe observance of the fàst mé worship of Lord Knm whçn tHe 
midmght,the RohinX asterism and the eigth ///Ai in tfae dark fortnight are ici 

KttyamahârnavkUs.f Aih: 

3. 'Dvaitanirmyoktam nirastàm uktavmanavirodhât dvmd^éasu ^ rrmsepmtamyBM 
rohmyogasyasarvathaîva sambhavâcm'.J r' * ' 

- ■■■' ' . ■ \' •' timmmàfVA$. 



50 S.V. UNÎVERSÎTY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

vrddistaddha need be performed J** On the other haod. Vâcaspatimisra 
expresses his view that in nîskramana and annaprasana samskàras 
also, there is no necessity of vrddhîsraddha^^ but in garbhadhâna 
samskâra, this sràddha is to be celebrated,^^ 

It is also beîieved by the Hindus that there are sixteen srâddhas 
which must be performed for a deceased person and that if ihese are 
not performed, then the departed spiriî is not freed from the condition 
ofbcinga preia and a pisaca, i.e., thestateof cursed departed souis. 

If there happens any distiirbancc in the performance of tbc 
sixteen srâddhas or if the exact tîthîs of the death of the deceased 
person is not known, then thaï srïïddha would hâve to be performed 
specially on an eleventh dîhî of the dark fortnight or on newmoon day. 
Vacaspatiniisni is of opinion that due to the nonperformance in the 
eleventh tîthf of the dark fortnight, a man may perform the srâddhas 
on the same iiihi oîtliQ bright fortnight. ^'^ But Raghunandana criticizes 
this view of the Maithilas and décides that in that eventuaiiiy the 
sradoha would hâve to be done in the eleventh tîthi of the dark half of 
the moon only and not of the bright half, and the sastrîc prescription in 
this matter does not warrant its performance on the newmoon also.^^ 

On the other hand, if the tîthi of the deceased, has been 
forgotten, that tîthi is to be taken for performing the sraddha of a just 
deceased person when the news of his death reaches his relatives. 



14. 'tenu cUdâkaranât prag niskramanmnaprâéanayor abhyudayikam na kâryam,,» 
itî Vâcaspaîimiéroktam nîrasîam^ 

Malamâsataîtva, p. 300. 

15. "tatra nômakarmantty abhidhàya cïidâkarmâdikesvitî vacanaî nâmakaranacûda-' 
karanamadhya^pâîînor niskramamnnaprààanayor vrddhihâddham nâsîJti 
prattyate. anyatha nâma-karmâdika iîi vadet\ 

Krtyacintâmanî, p. 16. 

16. 'kecîtfu garbhâdh&nâmapî gane ' ntarniveiya tatrâpî irâddhapratisedham 
varnayanti tanna, nisekakâle some cety âdim garbhâdhânopakramaérâddhavU 
dhânâtJ 

Matamâsatattva, p. 300» 

17. 'érâddh'ivighne samut panne ksayâhe vîdite tathâ I 
ekâdaijâm prakurvïta krsnapakse viêesatah Ij 

vîéesaîah îti vacanâdasambhave suklaikadaéyâmapi karanam»' 

Srâddhacintâmani. p. 139. 

i 8 . 'Maith iîok tant êukîaikadaâyâm tatkaranam na yuk tant 

asmanmate tu krsnapakse ekadaéyUmamâvasyâpeksayâ- 

viêesatah prakuryïte-tyekam v3kyam\ - v . . 

Tîthitattva, p.7. 



SOCIAL CUSTOMS OF BENGAL AND MITHÏLA 51 

When also the tîîhî m which îhe death is heard, lias been lost in obli» 
vioii, îhen the elevenîh lirài of the dark half of the moon or the new- 
moon day of that month, would be taken fit for srëddha. No srïïddha 
for the deceased is to- be observed if the month of the receipt of ihat 
news of the death has been forgotten.^^ Thls view of Vacaspatimisra 
does not hoîd good according to Raghunandana, who sîates that ob 
that occasion srâddha would surely be performed in the eleventh tithi 
of dark fortnight, in case of not being able to do so, the newmoon day 
rfthi would be taken as the next appropriate one for the performance of 
sràddha in question. 20 

Frora this forgoing discussion we find that Raghunandana has 
criticized boîdly the views of Vacaspatimisra regarding various social 
custonis At the time of the flourishing of Raghunandana the people of 
Bengal had been much disturbed both by inner and outer outrages 
and invasions and so they had become puzzîed to détermine what is 
right and hence fit to be foilowed by them. So the society of Bengal 
was in need of such a strong lawgiver in Dharmasïïstra who might 
paint out clearly the rites and cérémonies, mentioned by the éàstras, 
folîowing which people may carry on their day to day dharma. 
Raghunandana was such a meritorious student of and compétent writcr 
on Dharmasïïstra in some of its important aspects, bearing on the 
contemporary social condition that he accepted the views of other 
writers in some cases and did not also hesitate to reject them if 
necessary in some other cases. By refuting the opinions of Vacaspati- 
misra, Raghunandana with his vast scholarship and learning, excelled 
the former by his superior insight and became well-known in Bengal as 
a great social and religions reformer. 



19. Uithirapi vîsmarane tanmïïêasyaikâdaéyâm àmSvasyStyâm va ekoddistah éravana- 
mësasyâpi vismarane na kSryam manâbhâvât\ 

àriïddhacintâmani^ p. 140* 

20. VQcaspatîmîéroktam heyam, êravanâdivîsmarane tanmâslyaîkâdaS yamavâsyayor 
grahanam yaduktam tadapî pramïïnGéûnyam. 

Titkitativam, p, 7-8. 



Dr. F. SRIRAMAMURTI 

INFLUENCE OF TELUGU ON SANSKRIT 



Sanskrit literature is pan-Indian in character with distinct contri- 
butions from each région. The stamp of régional litcratures and 
culturels clearîy seen in the works of Sanskrit literature produced in 
différent parts of the country. Sanskrit was for a long timc; written in 
local scripts Ilke the Telugu or the Grantha or the éârada before the. 
adventqf the script Devanagari. The pronounciation of Sanskrit sounds 
is marked by the characteristics of the local speech habits. The Telugus 
pronounce Uha' as 'dha'; vocalic Y as 'aru' or Vw% and 7' h pronoun.çed 
as *r kaiah as kalah as is the habit in Telugu and also representcd 
phonetically.i 

Telugu verse forms and literary forms influçnced Sanskrit com- 
positions. The kandapadya in the Immbâka :pla.tGS of BMap a and 
other verses like utpalamala and campakamala are seen in Sanskrit 
compositions, The peculiar forms of gadya-kaiikâ, utkalikë and the 
literary forms of the nature of panegyrics are also peculiar to the 
Sanskrit literature of this région. The works of Pâlkuriki Somanatha 
are the earliest examples of this type. Prïïsayati is a characteristic 
feature of Telugu prosody and this has also crept into Sanskrit com- 
positions of the région. 

The intellectual feat^ called avadhanas are a peculiar Telugu 
tradition still alive in this part of the country. Mallinatha is described 



1. In the Sanskrit inscriptioas of Andhra where Telugu propernouns are aàopted, 
into Sanskrit compositions short 'e* and *o' appear. Words like 'Peddibhat'ta, 
Dendulïïr, KoiJJSarman, Kùnasïma are familiar. 

A name Uke 'ÔrugaHu' is elther written as ùrugMluH or tran?la^ted as ekqiil^, 
nagara. Proper nouns like Simha bhûpâla are writte^n'iç. varions forms as Éingu 
bhûpâla, Singa bhUpala etc.» accordingto local prpnunciatiQn. 



54 S.V. UNÎVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

as a saîâvadhânin. Astlvadhânins and satâvadhanins are found even 
today. Thèse feats are performed in Sanskrit in the beginning and iater 
both in Sanskrit and Telugu. Simîlarly harikatha is a kind of popular 
method of édification and Sanskrit harikathâs are also written by great 
exponents lîke Adibhatia Nârâyana dasa of Vijayanagaram. 

The Pra ïïpamdrîya of Vidyanitha started a iiew genre of alankara 
Works which may be designated as the Yasobhiîsana type. ïîi thèse 
Works a patron-king or deity is uniformly praised in the iliustrative 
verses composed by the iaksanakâra himself« Vidyânâtha wrote a 
drama caîled Prataparudrakalyëna to illustrate the rules of dramaturgy. 
!n the Alahkârasudhïïnîdhî of Sâyana, we find that the hero forming the 
subject-matter of the iliustrative verses is the author himself. Naturalîy 
in thèse works the exploits of Àndhra Kings and their benevolent rule 
are descrîbed in détail. In the Fraiâparudrïya, we find the définitions 
of a new classof works called ksudraprabandhas since such compositions 
are composed in thîs part of the country. Among several other works 
which describe thèse compositions, we may mention the Camatkaracon- 
drikâ, Alahkïïrasahgraha and tiie Laksanadipîka. The Laksanadîpîkè 
of Gaurana contaîns citations from Telugu literature also. 

In the Camatkâracandrîkâ, we find the use of desjapadas ; 
calamartîgaf^anrpaîih - title of SarvajEasingabhQpIîa. 

The manipravâla style also is prévalent, eg., 

kîm duruna vahkaraiîhkarena 
kîm vâsasà cîkiribakirei^a 
sri Sthgabhûpaia vflokanSya, 
vaMmya rhekam vidusïïm sahayah.** 

Similarly one is âdvised to drop such words being homophonous 
wïtM Telugu words rtiay suggest a bad meaning to the Telugu readeirs. 
Ih Bhâsa-sîésa examples are given which mean one thing in Sanskrit 
and another ih Telugu : 

^meîayanaya te rajyam -ma ca îlâ ca mêle, îayoh mdrgah 

melâyanam, (asmaî 
meiâyanïïya ■» îaksmi bhumi nîvasasthïïnayQ, 

me!âyùMyeîyëdtsu padesu bhadra mabhavadva îtyUdyàrthàvâcisu 
taddesabhasâ vidumm Andhrabhasà ca prattyate-CCP. 103. 

The Bhiûas produced in Ândhradesa generally describe the festî- 
vities connected with the diflFerent deities ofthis région or the city life 
of some places. Ttie Smgarabhûsanabhana of Vamcinabhattabâf^a des- 
crîbes the spring festival of VirSpiksideva in the early Vijayanagar 
times. MadunmîI^sàbhSHa of Naganatha dêscribes the spring fèstiva 1 



INFLUENCE- '&F"' TELUGU "ON" SANSKRIT 35 

of K-âlyinànârâyana ■^•wdrsbipped'' ât-'Éâcaroada.*^ Tht\'Èràgararma- 
b'hrngârabhhna o f ■X6nda'''"dèsà-ibeV the -festival of Mallikârjunk^of Sri- 
sailawhile Durvadi Visvanaîha's ÈrhgâràmûnjartbMna dè-als with the 
caitra festival of Vallabharaya of Srîkakulim Thus tncidentalîy they 
throw light on varions locai fairs and affairs. The Premabhîràma, a 
workofthe Vithî type is said to depict the rambling of gentlemen 
Mancana and Tittibha in the streeîs of Warangai describing the religions 
and social life of the place- 

We may also mention hère how the history and geography of the 
région has found a place in Sanskrit literature. The différent historical 
kâvyas especially works liRe the MadhurQvîjaya, Raghunàthabhyudaya, 
and Vemabhûpâîacariîa hâve given a poetic account of the royal familles 
and the exploits of those kings. In the VemabhUpâlacarîta, we hâve a 
detalled description of Drâksarâma; Addanki and other places. The 
Hamsasandesa of Vâmanabhattabana describes Ândhra revers Krsna. 
Godâvari and refers to local legends also. In the Madhuravijaya there. 
is also a référence to Tikkanasomayijin who is one of the great transla- 
torsofthe Mahâbhâraîa into Telugu. 

Telugu grammars are written in Sanskrit. The Ândhra sabda- 
cintâmani is ascribed to Nannaya, ihe first grcat poet of Telugu, is in 
âryn verses. The technical terms of Sanskrit and Prakrit Grammar are 
adopted to describe Telugu language. The Atharvanakârikdvali or 
Vikrtiviveka contains karîkas ascribed to an Atharvana and they are 
found cited in the conimentary of Ahobalapandita on the Cintamayi. 
Among others we may mention Sutrandhravyàkarana of Cinnayasuri, 
Hankârikàs of âistu Krsnamiirti sâstrin. 

Translations of Telugu cîassics into Sanskrit is another important 
feature. The Vasucariira prabandha of Rimarâjabhiisana is translatejd 
into Sanskrit by Kaiabastikavi in about A.D 1600. Similarly the Kaîa- 
purnodaya is translated into beautiful Sanskrit prose recently by yara- 
sûrf Mallikârjuna Rao. The Satakas of Veraana, Dâsarathi, Sumati, 
Bhâskara etc,, are translated into simple Sanskrit verses. There are 
several ofhers who hâve written plays and verses based on Pravarâkhya- 
Varuthinî épisode of the Manucarîtramu of Allasani Peddana and the 
Rukminîkalynna and Prahlâda stoùts of tht Bhëgavatamu ofPôtanaso 
famous in Telugu literature. 

Certain Telugu customs and proverbs are found mentioned in the 
Sanskrit works. The pîay Indîr^îparhtûya by Vîrarâghava refers to the 
songs of ârati sung by the ladics of Andhra at the time of marriage of 
Laksmï and l>|ârâyana. 



56 S.V, UNIVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

lîi thîs way the Saaskriî liîerature produced in differene regÎ3ris 
of the couBtry reflects the spécial characterisîics thereof like the speech 
habits, cuîtural and literary styles. 



Br. N, SUBBU REDDIAR 

THE TWO SECTS IN SOUTH INDIAN VAISNAVISM* 



The two sects in tlie South ïndian Vaisnavism are known as 
Vatakalai, the northern school and Tenkalai, the southern schooL 
The former owes its allegiance to Vedanta Desikan and the latter to 
ManavàlamâmuuikaL Thèse names, Vatakalai and Tenkalai^ are of 
very late origin and perhaps balong toa period subséquent to Manavala- 
raamunikal The différences which could bave been instrumental in the 
namîng of the two schools hâve been deep-rooted from eariy times, 
perhaps in the period which foUowed the passing away of Râmânnja^ 
An atcmpt is raade in this paper to consider the probable causes which 
precipitated such a division in Râmanuja's school of Vaisnavism, and 
also a study of those différences is briefly attempted. 

Èribhàsyam and Bhagavadgïtâ do not suggest any due that could 
hâve given rise lo any différence in the interprétation of the central 
doctrines which they deal with nor does the Nâlayîra Divya Prabandham 
contain any. It is a matter ofcommon knowledge among the South 
ïndian Vaisnavites at least, that Râminuja was taught some secret 
doctrines by Tirukkôttiyiir Nambi.^ Thèse were known as Rahasyas and 
must hâve included the three, naraely, Tirumantrana, Dvayam and 
Caramaslokam, the last being taken from tbe Gîta.^ Unlike as in the 
case of BrahmasUtras, Bhagavadgim and Tiruvaymolî (the important 
work of Nammâlvar), there was no authentic work treating thèse rahas» 
yas^ Thèse having been orally transmitted, there must hâve been ample 
scope for a preccptor to give an exposition of them in a manner which 
he felt was nbt merely the correct one but aho authentic. There must 

* Paper read at the XXV! Session of 'AH India Oriental Confereoce' hcld at 

Ujjain in October, 1972. 

i. Yatîrâjav€dbhavam, 58. 

2. Bh. G. 1«: m. 



58 S.V. UNIVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

haye been slight variations in the expositioas offered by more than one 
preceptor for tlie same rahmyas, The methods which were adopted by 
îhe preceptors in the pracîice of îheir conducî must hâve been différent 
according to individual capacities and thèse must hâve a bearing in the 
interprétations of the rahmyas The disciple aiso should hâve taken only 
such interprétations as authentic and supported them by citing those 
practices. In fact, there were some practices in the days of Ramânuja 
which called forth criticism from certain quarters.^ Thèse were 
indîvidoal case^ and also represented exceptions tothe gênerai ciistoms. 
The masters and pupils in the same and s ucceeding générations cited 
such practices and chose to treat them as the correct ones, forgetting. 
îheir departures from the estiblished rules. This, however, was not 
always ihe cas.\ The attitude of others was différent towards such 
practices resuiung in the évolution of not two théories, one for and the 
other againsî them, but more than two, their number depending on the 
numberof approache&made by them. This resulted in another change 
of attitude towards tradition. Every interprétation was required to be 
substantiated by relevant citations from works ofaccepted authenticity. 
In- their altempt;to justifv their interprétations, the preceptors and 
schqlars forced' their views on the sources and expounded them in a 
lûàanerthat coald. accommodate their view points. Thusstarted the 
différences in the interprétation of the passage in the Tinivïïymoli by 
TirumSîaiyintân and Ramânuja.^ Even after the commentary'was' 
wri|;fçii by Fiilân on the Tirmaymolî, Parisarabhattar is mentioned, as 
evi4enced in the îtu, to hâve expressed disagreement to the views of 
PilîâE and offered his own.^ The tone of références to such différences 
both in the period of Ramânuja and Parasara bhattar is only suggestive 
of thèse two saviots* eagerness to offer a better interprétation and not 
intended t^ cross the earlier ones. Much discrédit was brought by la ter 
s^hola^^s forthpearliest exponentsby reading in between îhe lines and 
by-as^erting the authendcity of their own expositions. The unitary 
pâture of the c >ncepts of rahasyaswas thus losî sight of . This resulted 
ip.the formulation of certain concepts most of them being based on the 
sdde of relîgio.]. Such concepts were acceptable to only one of the 
tjaditionalscbools and drew justifications from îhe Nâtâviram and the 
passages; from the^works of earlier writers. There was not mucn for 
the two sçhools of Vaisnavism to quarrel about regarding the matters in 
th^ S ribhasyam znd the Bhagavadgitabhasyam which were not therefore 
cited.. The rahasyas and the compositions of the Âlvârs afforded ample 
sçope for the exhibition of the divergences of opinion. While one school 
inlMiretedthe rahasyas ^né the TiruvaymoU ^ithoin even suggesting 
adeviatedsensefor them by remaining faithfuî to the'sacred sources 

3. Gur mpar a mparâ, pp, 121,122^ \A9, 

4. Vide Itu on Ttruvâymùlî (T.V.M) 1.2: 1; 23: 3; 5.10: 4. 

5. Vide ï/M on T.V.M. 6.5; 2.4: 1. 



THE TWO SECTS ÏN SOUTH INDÎAN VAISNAVISM 59 

like Dharmasàsiras and Âgamas, the other school swore by the déviation 
and supportée it by the practice of the teacher who was held in the 
highest respect. ît was not the langiiage that cff ^cted this schism. While 
equal importance was given inone school for the Sanskrit and Tamil 
sources, the other school stood more by the Ta mil sources ignoring the 
Sanskrit sources when th^y ran counter to the former and thiis attached 
less significance to Sanskrit sources. For a long period till recently, 
the followers of the Tenkalai System were deeply studied in the "^anskrît 
sources like èrïbhâsyam and Gîta-bhâsyam for matîers of philosophical 
importance and followed the views of their school in matters pertaining 
to the rahasyas and Prabandham. The Two sources were thus kept 
apart thus maintaining in practice the concept of Ubhayavedânta. The 
âcârya wis th^ only guide in thèse matters for the Tenkalai school, 
whiîe he was also the guide for the Vatakalai school. 

The différences which keep thèse two schools apart from each 
other seem to hâve taken their rise in tne îatter haif of the thirteenth 
century and are mentioned by Nainârâccan Pillai, Pijlai Lokâcaryar and 
Vedànta Desikan in their works. This does not, however, suggest that 
the two schools were treated then as rivais as they are heîd today. 
Vedânta Desikan, who was awareof such différences, remarks that there 
was no différence regarding the doctrines among the followers of 
Râmânuja and there existed only a différence in the interprétation of the 
same doctrine.^ The différences raust hâve become marked resulting in 
the rise of the two distinct schools in the fîfteenth century A. d The 
Vatakalai school traces the origin of their doctrines to Kitampi Àccan 
who was in charge of serving food for Râmânuja.'^ The Tenkalai school 
does it to Empir, the cousin and disciple of Râmânuja, It is curious to 
note that neither of thèse scholars, however, left any written record of 
their théories. 

The main points on which thèse two sects diJBFered are said to be 
eighteen.s It is worthwhile to consider briefiy what thèse différences 
are : 

/. God^s grâce: The Tenkalai school insists that the opération of 
God's grâce is unconditioned by human endeavour and is absolnte. 
They say that the well-known text *'He is to be obtained only by the one 
whom He chooses"^, is confîrmed by the carama-slokam of Gita^® and 

6. Satsampradâyapariéuddhî, p. 5. 

7. cf. Rahasyatrayasâram. p. 1377, 

8. An anonyme us Sanskrit verse quoted by Sri V. Krishnamacharya în his bcauti- 
ful Sanskrit iotroduction (p.48) to Sahkalpa^Sûryodayam givcs ont thèse 
eightecn différences. 

9* Kath. Up- 2: 23. 
10 Bh G. 18: m. 



60 - S.V. UNÏVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

thé mystic expérience of Nammâlvar. According to Vatakalais, God's 
grâce' though it is uncaused becomes operative only through bhakîi or 
prapatti, just as îhe divine tree is considered to yield the results desired 
by the seekers of them only at their request. Those who are in need of 
God's grâce hâve to make a request of God for it.^^ They argue îhat if 
grâce is free and unconditioned. vaisamya or arbilrariness and 
nairgbrnya or cruelty would be attributable to the divine nature.^- In 
that case, aîl people would in tinie be emancipaîed, and there would 
be no need of any effort on their part. If it was supposed that God in 
his own spontaneity extended His grâce to some in préférence to others, 
He would liave to be regarded as partiaL ît is therefore to be admitted 
tbat, though God is free in extending His niercy, yet in practice Hc 
extends it only as a reward to the virtuous or meritorious actions of the 
devotee. God, though ail-^merciful and free to extend His mercy to ail 
wîthout effort on their part, does not actually do so except on the 
occasion oF the meritorious actions of Hîs devotees. The extension of 
God's mercy i^thu's both without. cause (nirhetuka) and with cause 

(sabetuka). ,...•,,.:;;' ...' '.■■""■" ''_■:;':■ 

\2. Mok%a . There .isao diff^rciibe of opinion as to moksa being 
the ultimategoai; The .Teûklàis'^,.b for those who take the 

course of dévotion, moksa consists in having the expérience of God 
Himself, but those who takfe to the path of self surrender hâve to render 
service to Qod even during Ihe'staite. of reîease. But the Vatakalais 
belîeye that whatever be the course adopted by the individuals, they 
become r.eleascd without any distinction among themselves. They havc 
therefore occasions for expérience of God as well a.s service. 

; J. Meaûs of moksd , According to the Tenkalais, there are five 
kindsof me^ns. nahiely, karma-yoga, jKina-yoga, bhakti-yoga, pra- 
patti-yoga and Scâryâbhiman a-yoga for moksa. They believe that pra- 
pattî^yoga is a distinctive means from the rest and àîso believe that eacb 
of thèse five means is a means by itself. But the Vatakalais believe that 
bhakti'-yoga is the only other means of moksa besides prppatti-yoga. 
karma-yoga and jiana-yoga are only stages leading to bhalcti-yoga, 
karma-yoga is actually self-purification which destroys egoism and 
leads to jSina-yoga which is the process of self-realization by se]f~ 
renunciation, contemplation and the attainment of the orison ôf 
Kaîvalya, The third stage is the bhakti-yoga which is the unitive Hfe 
of beholding God face to face or spirit to spirit. This is the highest 
realization of reality. Respect for the teacher, according to this school, 
is only a phase of prapatti-yoga. 



11. LaksirH Tantram (L.T.) 17: 78, 

12. Vedmtasûtra (V.S.) 2.1: 34. 



THE TWO SECTS IN SOUTH ÎNDÎAN VAISNAVISM 61 

4. Laksmî (Her status) : Laksmi occapies an important position 
in Sri Vaisnavism. Bit as there are oiily three catégories in the Sri 
Vaisnavite system, a question may naturally arise regarding the position 
6f Lakâoiî in the three-fold catégories of Cit, Acit and Isvara. On this 
point, the Teukaîais hold îhat Laksmî is by nature atomic in size and 
occupies a spécial and unique place of her own below that of Bhagavân; 
they relegate Her to the îevel of jîva, the finite being, but consider her 
entitled to îke service of the selves in this world and to that of the nityas 
and the muktas in the world beyond, viz., the région of eternal glory 
(nityavibhtitî). Bhagavân, according to thera, is however, the sole 
upaya for the aitainment of moksa and Laksmî has no part in this in 
the same way as she has no part in the création, sustenance, and destruc- 
tion of the world. The Vatakalais beîieve that Laksmî is akâraanâ not 
maksra or jîva and state that she is an inséparable attribute of Bhagavân 
as described in Pâncarâtra,^^ eqn^lly infinité and inimitable, without 
whom the conception of the Lord h impossible.*^ She is not ^anu or 
atomic, but vibhu or alî-pervasive and omniprésent- They base their 
argument on "the authorily oï Vimu-puràna,^^ Laksmî, according to 
them. is in every vi^ay the objecî of equai vénération and worshipas ' 
Bhagavân and. that our worship is always to the Lord and His spou^e 
Being inséparable from Him, She participâtes in ail His activities except 
in the création,, maintenance and dissolution of the world. She is sesi 
to ail of us, bhad.das. muktas and nityas as much as Lord Himself; This 
concept of Vatakalai schoo! receives support from the foUowing 
jBvidences : (a) The Lord déclares that îîlâ vibhîîti and nitya vibhûti. 
are the sésa for Him and Laksmî ^^ This means that She is ako the sesi 
Hke the Lord; (b) Parâsara declared that Visnu represents ail çoming 
under the category of maie and Laksmî those under the femaleJ'^ 
(c) Kitârapi Âccàn tôîd Nanciyar that he was taught by Râlniniija that 
the mention of the Lord in any context mnst be taken to^ bave înclndecl 
Laksmî. 18 This is atte^ted by Parâsara bhattar;!^ (d) Sri Râmaffiisra- 
the pupil of Râmânuja declared that Laksmî and Visnii together are 
Brahman^O; (e) Pillai Lokâcâryar states inhis work: F^jrrt^rrûjj^i that 
the eternal kind of the selves refef'tô Adisesâ, Garuda and othèrs. If, 
în his View, Lakstfîî was^ a self, She, being eternal,, must hâve been 
mentioned hère. . 

13. ■ i.,T,MM 2^15-,.; ^,----^;" ' ' " 

14. iîâmâj^iwa (Râm.) (5.21: 15. 

15.^ V.P. LS: iTand l>: 124 

16. Visvaksenasamhitâ . 

17. V.P. 1.8; 35. 

18. R.T.S. p 750 

19., 1 érîpunarafnakoéa, .28 . 
- 2Cf. Thtis is taken from the author's work Sadarîhasamksepûr 
21. fattvaîrya p. 45. , ^, - - - - 



62 S.V. UNIVERSÏTY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

5. Laksmi (ïïer power) : Accordiiig to Teukalai school, Visnii alone 
can grant final émancipation. But Laksmî can play the rôle of a média- 
tor between the sinning folk and the Lord; She cannot exercise indepen- 
dent or coordinate power in granting salvation. The Vatakalais believe 
that boîh Visnu and Laksmî can grant moksa and they base their argu- 
ment on Vîsm putânam- and according to them Laksmî's redemptive 
mercy is omnipotent. She is not only the mediator (purusakara) 
interceding and pleading for the pardon of the offences of the selves, 
biu aiso the upaya along with Her Lord for the attainment of mukîî by 
the prapanna. Dur service after the attainment of mukti extends to Her 
as much as to Bhagavan. The Vatakalais say that mithuna or unity of 
the Lord and Siî is vital to the seeker aftcr salvation. Whatever be the 
ontological status of Laksinî, there is no doubt, that both the sects 
insist on Her krpâ or mercy as essentiaî to the final release. This 
b^autiful concept is stated in a beautifuî way : 'On the one hand, 
Laksmî subduis the retributive will of ïsvara by the beauty of Her cnti- 
cing love and on the other She melts the hearî of the sinner by Her 
infinité tenderness'.^s As the link of lovc\ She médiates between the 
finite that is iniportant, and transforms the majesty of law into the might 
of mercy; ît is p;îrhaps strcngth (Fathei) is tenipered by sweetness 
(Mother) and sweetness is supported by a strength; the one stimulâtes 
and the other persuades. The Vatakalai school dépends its position on 
the following évidences: (a) Tht Laksmitantra contains a passage which 
means that the Lord together with Laksmî is the protector.24 The word 
*together' is to mean that Sri protects the people as much as the Lord. 
This passage^occurs in the context of finding a means for obtaining 
moksa, (b) Siî is addressed as the âtmavidya and described as award- 
îng the r^esults oî moksa. '^^ (c) Parasara bhattar says that he would 
resort to Sri at first and then to the Lord. He desires to do kainkarya 
to the Lord who is together with Laksmî. He qualifiies the word îsvara* 
hère by the words *as the means of the desired object'. He means 
evidently that both are the 'upâya'.^^ (d) Parasara bhattar wrote a 
drama with the name Laksmikalyâfta in which Nammalvâr is made to 
ask the Lord to take him undcr the refuge of Himself and Laksmî ^7 It 
may be added hère that the Lord is referred to as Srîmannârâyana. Sri 
is the attribut :î and Nàrâyana as having Sri as his attribute. The 

2Z V.P. 1.9: 118. T.V.M. 4.5: 11 '*Vêri mârâta pûmêl imppâ] vinai tîrkkumê"— 
*the occupant of the most fragrant lotus is the Mother, who wilî relieveusof 
ail our sins and bless us ' 

23. "cêtananaî arulâlê tiruttum, îsvaranai alakâjê tiruttum " — l^rï Vacana 
Bhûsanam 1:13. 

24. L.T 28: 14, 

25. V.P, 1.9:120. 

26. Astaélokï, 6. 

27. This h cited by Vedânta Desikan in Sarâsara, p, 46, • ' ' 



THE TWO SECTS IN SOUTH INDIAN VAISNAVISM 63 

substantive and attribute may hâve independent ontological existence as 
iii.lhe case of blue lotus but as a metaphysical category, it must.be only, 
one. This. is the way in which the Vatakalai school maintains its view. 

6 Vâtsalya : The Tenkalais define this quality as the enjoya- 
bility of the defects, of the jîvas. According to them the pardoning. 
Lord is the God of the sinner and He seeks the evil-doer more than He 
does the slttvika, as the target of his grâce. They say that the Lord 
treats the sins commiited by the selves as "enjoyable" like garland. 
sandal paste and others. He even relishes the the physical evil or dosa 
in the prapanna like the mother who embraces with pleasure her dirt- 
staihed child returning from play; or like the cow which licks the slime 
on the body of the new-born calf. Similarly God would consider even 
the faults, offences,. and shortcomings of the self as agreeable 
(bhogya).^^ To a lover, the dirt on theperson of the beloved isfar from 
being hateful. The Tenkalais argue that it is the nature of the forgive- 
rtess- of the Lord towelcome the sinner and not to pénalise him for h^s 
wrongdoing. They support this theory of theirs by citing the Rama- 
yanâm?^ The Vatakalais, on the other hand, believe that filial action 
[vâtsalya) consists in not taking note of the dosa of the jivas; that is to 
say, the defects arc ignored.3o They point ont that the admission of the 
View of the Tenkalais would show that sins ought to be committedas 
they are to be "enjoyed" by God and expiation for the sms donc need 
not be performed. 

7 Dayâ: The Tenkalais hold that God's compassion consists' 
in His getting afHlicted on noticing that of others That is to say, it is 
'para duhktie duhkhitvam' entering into the sorrowsof others and experi- 
encing the sufifering of others as one's own. They support this view by 
quoting the Râmàyanam.^^ To the Vatakalais, compassion or rf.iy3, 
consists of an active sympathy on his part, as manifested in his désire 
to remove the suffering of others on account of His mabnity to bear 
such miseries. In the case of those who could not physically remove 
others' distress, it must be taken to mean entertainment of a désire to 
remove others' distress. It must include the removal of others distres 
in the c.se of a person who has the power to do so. So, m the Vatakalai 
View, the Tenkalai opinion amounts te saying that God ^'^K^^-^^l:^^' 
in suffering sincé ail th. living beings are mostly in a state of suffermg 
Àgdil to sùffer Himself at others' distress will hâve to be treated as a- 
defect (dosa) which would run counter to the concept of God as the 

28 Mumuksup'pati: caramaslokaprakaranara - sût. 27. 

3o! Irî SrînivLa practices non-apprehension of the sins of Hii devotees. -JVide;^ 

Vedânta Des'ikan . D(3>'ôia'a^<i'n, S. 
31. Râm, 2.2: 40. 



64 S.V. UNIVERSÏTY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

abode of suspicious qualities whîch arc opposed to defects (heya pratya- 
lîîka). The passage from tàe Râmâyamm, which is cited bere musl be 
taken to mean thaï Rima was not in the least really affecîed but He was 
acting the foîe of a protector of peopîe where the définition of the 
Teukalai would be applicable. This school seeks the évidence of Parâ- 
sara bliattar,32 Penyavâccâu Fillai^s and Sudarsanasûri,^* who inter- 
preted da}â as inability to bear other's misery. 



8. Prapatîî • According to the Tenkalais, prapatti consists in the 
absence of any initiative on the part of the individual, as God's love is 
spontancoos and will, of itself, bring salvation. Or, it may be taken 
to mean the knowledgc of one's own self as the sesa of the Lord. They 
interpret prapatti not as a human endeavonr, but a mère faith in the 
grâce ofGod. AJîva who is compîetely dépendent upon God cannot 
practise it. The Vatakalais say that before resorting to self-surrender 
or prapatti ihere must be seif-effort. It is only vvhen this self-effort 
faiîs to lead to the realization of God, and in conséquence a feeling of 
complète helphssness and unalîoyed faith in God's grâce is firmly enter- 
tained, that one can resort to prapatti. It is, therefore, in their view, 
in the form of practising the act of surrender of one's self. It does 
not consist in merely possessing the knowledge of one's dependence. 
The saying of the upanîsad *'With a désire to g^t released, I seek 
shelter",35 ^^e sz^ying oî BhagavadgUà "you take sheiter under Me 
aIone"36 and the saying of Laksmi Tanira, "The Lord expects from the 
jlva the need for protection**^'^ support the act of surrender has to be 
practised. The paradox of prapatti sâstra arises from the Visistidvaitic 
trnth that the sarvasesi is both the upâya and upeya, the means as well 
as the goal of vedântic life, and it leads to the dualism between the 
spiritual effort of the jîva and the spontaneity of the divine grâce The 
Vatakalai school asserts that the soûl must exert itself , show a contrition 
of heart and deathless faith in the Saviour, as the way of opening the 
flood gâtes of krpà and employs the analogy of the young monkey cling- 
ing to the mother for protection (markata- nyiya) to illustra te the soûl 
seeking refuge at the feet of the Saviour. The other party asserts that 
God's grâce is îike the care of the mother cat carrying the kitten in its 



32. éri Mangarâjasiavam, 2: 98. 

33. Gadyatrayavyâkhyânam^ p. 42. 
34- ibid p 42. 

35. Sv. Up, 6 : IS. 

36. Bh. 0. IS : m 
37- L.T, 17:78. 



THE TWO SECTS ÎN SOUTH ÏNDIAN VAïSNAVÏSiM 65 

mouth (mârjâra-nyâya) which is independent of ail efforts on the part 
of the latter iîlustrating tîiat the soûl requires no self-effort ^^ 

9, Qualification îo do prapaîîi : As regards the, person who is 
qualified for prapatti, the Tenkalaîs base their authoriîy on the Gitû. 
In ihe Gita the Lord deals with various attributes as forming subsidiaries 
to dévotion. Finally, He asks to give up ail duties. This shows îhat 
one who follows this cannot hâve adéquate confidence in dévotion. 
Such a person alone, according to them, is fit to take the path of 
prapatti. Again they say îhat it is only those who study îhe Prabandhams 
can bê fit to be caîled prapannas. But the Vatakaîais hold that the 
qualifications to perforni the act of self-surrender are having no other 
course to adopt, misérable position and inability to toîerate any delay 
on the part of a devotee. The main requirements for the course of 
bhaktî or dévotion are a clear philosophie kiîowledge of the realms of 
karma, jiïâna and bhaktî, the wiîl rigorously to undergo the discipline 
indueorder, and the sâttvic patience to endure the ills of prarabdha 
karma tiil it is exhausted or expiated. Yâmuna déclares, "lamnot 
devoted to your feet. I bave nothing and ï hâve no other course 
adopt. "2^ This makes clear the relative qualifications for the paths of 
dévotion and self-surrender. This does not in any way mean the lack 
of confidence in the path of dévotion on the part of mumuksu. They do 
not subscribe to the view that the mère reading of Tamil Prabandhams 
will make one a prapanna for. in that case, one who reads the Sanskrit 
passages in the Upanisads can become a devotee of God, which is utterly 
meaningless on the very face of it. 

10. Givîng up the dharmas : The Tenkalais think that the person 
who adopts the path of prapatti should give up ail scriptural duties 
assigned to the différent stages of lifc (asrama); for they argue it is well 
evidenced in the Gifâ text that one should give up ail one's relîgious 
duties and sunenderoneseil to God. "Abandoning ali duties, corne to Me 
alone for shelter '*^^ They cpine that it is no offence ai ail for the 
prapanna to give up the performance of nitya and naimittika karmas. "^^ 
But the Vatikalais thmk that the scriptural duties which are obligatory 
should never be given up by those who hâve taken the c urse of self- 
surrender."^^ Whatever is donc shall be attended With the giving up 

■-—-—- _ ^ , , r-7 ■ 

38. There is a tendency among some of the phiïosophcrs to compare the Vatakalai 
and Tenkalai views to the volitîonal type and the self-surrender type mentioned 
by William James in his Varietîes of Religîous Expérience, and the Christian 
distinction between the justifica ion by works and justification by faith. But 
the compartsion is superficial as- the distinction between- those- -two-types-is 
cQtirely différent from the Ûtï Vaîsnavite views of sahetuka katâksa and 
nirhetuka katâksa. 

39. Stotraratnam, 22. 

40. Bh. G. 18:66. 

41. M^wîwA^f/jp-pafi-caramaslokaprakaranam-feût S. 

42. Cf. Bh. G. 4; 32. 



66 S,\\ UNIVERSÏTY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

Etîachment îo the resuît.^^ x^ey further hold the view that the scriptural 
duties, being the ccmmaîidments of God, should be performed for His 
satisfaction by thèse peopie. Otherwise, they would hâve to suffer for 
their ncgUgmcê, Râmânuja emphatically remarks that nitya and 
îiaimittîka deeds are to be carried out as they are done to worship 
God/4 

//. Contradiction : According to the Tenkalai view, the path of 
dévotion is by nature contradictory to the jlva who is a sesa or one who 
is in tune with the will of God. The paths of duties and of knowledge 
assume an egoism which contradicts prapatti. The Vatakalais, however, 
say that the path of dévotion is not in any way opposed to the nature of 
the self, but is opposed to only one's misérable condition. The so-called 
egoism is but a référence to our own nature as self, and not to ûhaèkâra^ 
an evofute of maîter. 

12. Duties of castes : On the social side, the Teukalais feel that 
the acts of the prapannas are amoral and should not be judged by the 
moral standards applicable to the ordinary man following the rules of 
varnâsrama, and the question of moral laxity, condemnation or condona- 
tion does not arise in their case. Duties prescribed by the Dharmasastra 
texts could however be carried out only for keeping the social status; 
but they are not binding on the prapannas. But the Vatakalais insist on 
the performance ofsvadharma or the duties relating to one's station in 
life even in the stage after prapatti as kaihkarya, and in conformity with 
the divine command. They support their view on the strength of 
Laksmî Tantra^^ according to which a learned man shall never violate 
the conduct prescribed in the Vedas; thèse duties hâve to be performed 
at any coi^t The Lord declared that the Vedas and Smrtis are His 
commands Any one violating what one is ordained by them would 
become a sinner."^^ 

13 Accessories on the path of prapatti : The accessories of prapatti 
are counted as sîx.^î The Teukalais hold that the man who adopts the 
path of prapatti has no désire to fuifil, and thus he may adopt any of 
thèse accessories according to his capacity and inclinations of his mind. 
The Vatakalais, however, think that even those who folîow the path of 
prapatti are not absoluteîy free from any désire, since they wish to hâve 
bhagavadanubhava, and do service to God. Though they do not crave 
forthefuiaimentof anyother kind of need, it is obiigatory upon them 

43. Vide : Bhagavadgltâbhâs ya on 1 8 : 6. 

44. Vide: ibid on 18:5.9, 

45. L.T. 17. 94. 

46. Bh.G. 16i23. 

47. L.T. 17 : 60, 61. 



THE TWO SECTS IN SOUTH INDIAN VAÎSNAVISM, 67 

to pcrform ail îhe six accessories as they hâve been ordaioed in the 
sclieme. 

14. Cause for îhê act of self surrender : "On the sîrengîh of 
upanisadîc sayîng^s the Tenkalais assert thaî;God'$ grâce could oot be 
obtained by mère exposition of religious functions and hence the act 
need net be performed. But the Vatakaîais insist that the act of 
prapatti has to be performed. Their argument is supported by a passage 
in the Laksmi Tantra, •'This means is considered by Me as both easy 
and difBcuIt"/9 They futher argue that tne passage quoted from 
Mundaka-Upanîsad must be taken to signify the importance pf tbe Lord.. 
Itdoesnot indicate that îhe act of self-surrender shall not be under- 
taken. If it were to convey this sensé, then even jiàna-yogawi]l hâve to 
be given up, as there is always God who by Himself takes care of 
everything. . ' ^ -■ ■' _'.'■'■'■-- 

15. Means of expiation : The prapannas will havè their sins 
absoîved by God 's forbearance even when they are done voluhtarily. 
Therefore, the Tenkalais say, there is no need to perform any act of 
expiation. This reçoives support from the Gitâ^^ where the Lord déclares 
that He would free the prajpanna from ail sins. But the Vatakaîais 
insist that the act of expiation has to be done to get relief from the 
sinful acts done voluntarily. This will be the course when the prapanna 
has adéquate facilities to perform them. According to them, répétition 
of the act of self-surrender shall be the course to be adoptée only when 
the prapanna is helpless.^^ . - 

16. Adoration of bhâgavatas : According to Tenka'ai idéal, the 
devotees of God shall be treated on a par wiîh one another irrespective 
ôf the caste to which rhey belong The prapanna is a bhâgavata and his 
spiritual worth is not in any way influencée by his binh and social 
status and it is one of the greatest offences to treat him with indiffé- 
rence, disregard, illwill or contempt on the ground of caste. The idea 
of service extends to ail castes and outca^tes irrespective of the .$oçiaI 
distinction dctermined by varnaérama idéal, They support their idéal 
on the strength of Mahabhàrata.^^ The Vatakaîais say that though the 
devotees of God hâve certainîytobe respected and should on noaccount 
be disregarded, the rules of caste which peitain to the body and not to 
the soûl apply as long as the body endures and not annuîled by the act 
of prapatti. There wiiî, of course, be no différence in the attainment of 



48, Mun. Up.3.2:î, 

49, L,T. 17 : 104. 

50, Bh.G' 18: 66. 

51, R.T.S. pp. 592, 595, 596. 

52, MBh: ~ Âsrâmavasikaparvâm 108 r 32 cf. ibid-î06 : 8. 



68 S.V. UNIVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

moksa and îhere will be no such thiîigs as castes in paramapada, but as 
long as the body lasts, îhe prapanna, îoo, however greaî his dévotion to 
God and however pore his life, has to foliow the rules and régulations 
of castes in social life. ** The temple cow is certainly more worthy than 
other cows in as much as its miîk. butter and the îike are used in the 
service of God, but on îhat account it does not cease to be a cow". 
Similarly, a man of a low caste shall be respected with the révérence 
due to a devotee as he is superior to ail others in his caste. 

17, God's immanence : The Tenkalaîs say îhat God, owing to His 
immense capacity can enter into a soûl which is atomîc in size to 
accompHsh acts which couîd not otherwise be accompîished. The 
Vatakalais assert thaï God is immanent in the jîva as its anîaryâmîn and 
there cannot be any place in the worid, eiîher animate or inanimate 
where God is not présent, and hence there is no question of God entcr- 
ing any souL 

18. Kaivalya: This consists in havîng the expérience of self aîone, 
otherwise called self-realization. It may be called a flight of " the 
Alone to the Alone" in which the self enjoys inner quiet and is self- 
sati^fied. It is différent frora God-realization. The Tenkalais maintain 
the view that kaivalya is not a stage on the road of mukti but is mukti 
itself in which the mukta enjoys the ' peace that passeth understanding '. 
In this State the mukta belonging, of course, to an inferior class^ îs in 
some corner of paramapada and has no hope of intuiting God and 
enjoying the bliss of communion. But the Vatakalais favour the theory 
that kaivalya is only a stage on the path to perfection and those who 
cross it wiil eventually reach the divine goaL 

There are other minor différences also that exist between thèse 
two sects. Différences of opinion came into being in many other points 
of practical importance, such as the extent to which piîgrimage could 
conduce to salvaiion, the duties of a prapanna if he was a sannyasin, 
the détails of cérémonials to be observed on certain spécial occasions, 
the extent oF the purifying influence of contact with the bhagavatas, 
the shape of sect mark, étiquette, certain restrictions regarding food 
and service, the relation between sannyâsins and householders, the 
tonsure of widows and so on and so forth. But they hâve little philo- 
sophical or religions basis or background. 

The Works of Tenkalai school which are mostly in Tamil are 
complementary to those of the Vatakalais and not contradictory to them. 
The eighteen points of différence enumerated above can be reduced to 
the single probîem of krpâ versus karma in its aspect of the practice 
of upiïya. If saîvation is antécédent merit and justification by effort, it 
is said to involve more faith in the inexorability of the moral law of 



THE TWO SECTS ÏN SOUTH INDIAN VAîSNAVISM 



69 



karma than in the inescapabiiity arisiiig from divine grâce. If salvatîon 

is by faith and antécédent of grâce and guaraiitees the remission ofsm 

withouî any condition like remorse, it is said to faveur the ^^^^^/JJ 

élection and predetermination and the idea of divine arbitranncss whicli 

might lead to the toleration of moral laxity and chaos. Vedanta 

Desikan's view of vyâja or occasion seems to be a good réconciliation 

of the îwo extrême views. The Lord is Himself the upaya and the 

upeya and the true meaning of human responsibility consists m our 

responsiveness to the calî of divine mercy Even a esture and change 

of heart and the feeling of unworthiness shown in an înfinitesinial 

degree on the part of the sinner evokes sympathy and elicits 

the infinité grâce of the Saviour. A spark of repentance destroys 

the whole load of avîdya-karma and thus an infinité séries of 

karma is annihilated by infinitésimal effort It is the récognition 

of the fact that endeavour consists in recognising the futility 

ofendeavour. This view préserves the idea of divine justice and provides 

for the domination of divine grâce which is its fruition. Andifthereis 

any différence between thèse schools it isin the starting point and not in 

the goal. It is, so to say, in the emphasis of aspects and not in the 

choice ofopposing théories. If it is assumed that the human will is in 

any way free, it conflicts with divine determinism. It is difficult to take 

the dilemma by the horns or escape between them or rebut it. DayU 

is neither won by effort nor forced on the individual souL If the 

problem is restated in terms of âanraka sâstra or Hetu kastra 'or logic, 

the distinction becomes philosophically negligible. Kofaksa or grâce 

is neither sahetuka nor nîrhetiika. It is based on organic union. Mystic 

expérience is alogical and amoral and it is illegiiimate to apply logica 

and ethical ternes to the transcendent h^w The gtfî of grâce and self- 

gîft are virtuaily related like the systole and diastole of the hcart; thcir 

relation involves rec procity and responsiveness. The sucking of the 

mother's miîk by the chiîd is instinctively related to the spontaneous 

sécrétion of milk and îhe two form an organic process in the mainte - 

naiiceoflife Tt is impossible to dîvide this unitive proct^5 and décide 

how much it comes from the child and how much from the mother, 

Similariy, the jîTâni is dearest to God, the sarîrin. ard G<^d is dearest 

to jîîiâni, the sarîra, and ihis organic relation is beyond logical analysis. 

Dayâ pours itself fullv into the self and the self flows irresisiibly into 

daya; and it is undesirable, so to say, to dissect this living flow into 

the logical catégories of cause and effect. 



In conclusion, we may say that tha relation betvi^een righteous- 
less and rédemption in the wjrking of God in the human history is a 
loly my^tery which is more worthy of reverential study than analysis of 
ogical catégories or philosophical dogmas. The karmakrpa riddle is 
he mysteryofthe religious expérience and cannot be highly dismissed 



70 



S.V. UMVERSÎTY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 



as tfaeological dognia meant for tlie ignorant. The vexed problem cannât 
be solved eîtlier by logic or by ethics. ît can'be dissolved only by the 
direct intuition of God which is the expérience oî the Alvârs, îf such is 

the case, the distinction between the^two schools regarding the working 

oîkrpa m a distinction without much différence. 



SRI K.N. SRINIVASAN 

VEDANTA DESIKA AND SIMHABHÛPÂLA 



Tradition has it that the poet-philosopher Vedântadesika 
composed the Subhasjîamvl and three small works of his at the request 
of or for the enlightenment of Simha nayaka son of Mâdhava. Stxidies 
hâve been undertaken îo identify this Simha nâyaka but ail the attempts 
hâve been concentrated on the history of the Ândhra territory. It 
appears that a person with the same name and of the same parentage 
doser to the seats of learning adorned by Dcsika could be the person 
referred to by tradition. 

Late Sri M.T. Narasimha ayyangir of Central Collège, Bangalore 
in his introduction to the Subhâsîîanivi (èrï Vânî Vilâsa Sanskrit Séries, 
No. 10, Î908) refers to the popular tradition that 'this work was com- 
posed by the author for Uie benefit of Frince SarvajSa Singappa nayaka 
who sought moral and reh'gious instruction at his hands ' and discrédits 
t\iQ observation made by Professor Sesagîrisâstriar in his report on a 
search for Sanskrit and Tamil manuscripts 1896-97 (No. 1 - p. 9) identi- 
fying this prince with Sarvajia Singama nâyadu or Siiphabhtipala, the 
author of the Rasâmavasudhakara, who was one of the ancestors of 
Venkatagiri Râjas fiourishing about A D. 1330. 

But SarvajSa Singama nâyadu, according to Rao bahadur 
K. Vîresalinganipantulu, (Teîugu poets - Part 1) ^ was a contemporary 
of Praudha Dêvarâya of Vijayanagar (1442-1447). He was also the 
tenth in descent from the progenitor of the Venkatagiri-Hne of princes. 

Bammera Pôtaraju the author of the Ândhra Maha Bhâgavatatnu, 
saîd to hâve been a poet of Singama nàyadu and the Telugu poet 
Srînâtha and Mallinâtha the commentator of Kalidâsa are said to hâve 
att en ded his court. t 



72 S.V. liNIVERSlTY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

■ Vecântadesika lîved only upto 1369 and there fore \, according 
:o Sri M T. Nurasimiia ayyangâ. *Prof. Sesagiri sâsîriar's identification 

"n qi:esîîon is untenable. ' 

Sri Narasimha ayyangâr, tlien, examines the pedigree (on page 
vïi) û[îhQ Venkatagiri Rajas from the introducîory chapter given in the 
Rasânyiva sudkâkara according to which he is the son of Annapôta and 
Aîinamâmba. grandson of Singaprabhu and great-grandson of Yâcama- 
nSyalva and concliides that Singaprabhu the grandfaîher couîd hâve 
been îhe person to be identiSed as he could hâve been a contemporary 
of Vedâfiîa desika. He also draws support from a référence which has 
h that Anapôta reddi (1340 to 1369) son of Anavémareddi, of the 
Reddi rulers of Kondavîdu dynasty from Addanki was killed during the 
lîfe-iîme of the latter (father) in a baitle by Mâdhava nayaka of 
Venkatagiri. This Mâdhava nayaka or Madâ nayaka was the son of 
Singaprabhu (who was a conteraporary of Vedânta desika) and the 
father of the author of the Rasârnava sudhukara. 

But after reaching the conclusion on page nine, the learned 

author proceeds further and writes — 

*' Further in the commentary Ratnapetïka, we meet with the 
epithet Rajamahendranagarasthîta as applied to this prince. If this be 
correct, we are led to suppose that Rajahmundry was under the authority 
of the Venkatagiri Rajas at the time of composition of the Subhasjtanivi. 
Thîs poem cannot in that case be later than a.c. 1340, as the Reddi 
îulers took possession of the country about that year, Considering, 
however, the style and matter of the work, 1 am inclîned to place it 
between 1310 a.c. and 1320 a.c. 

The author of this paper aîso inclined to -pUctxht work Suhhâsîta- 
nivi between a.d. 1310 and 1335 a period during which Vedânta deéika 
had produced the maximum number of bis philosophical writings, the 
e^riier period of his life having been devoted to the study and the 
analysis and îo the production of poetic works and the still later period 
being taken up in the consolidation and production of catechisms and of 
his magnum opus, 

Thîs identification of the person who came in contact with the 
poet-phïlosopher with Singaprabhu is open to many objections. * Singa- 
prabhu' has had a son Mâdhava or Màda but not a father by that name. 

The concluding verse of the Tattvasandeka mmtiom thnxht elucidation 
given in the work was by Desika to the son of Mâdhava, ; 

îdamiîi nîgimEntadeéîkena " 
pratîsamadisyata madhavmmaja^ya 



VEDANTA DESfKA AND STMHABHUPALÂ ?3 

Thefatherof Singaprabhu, according îo the Rasïïrnavasudhakara, wa:$. 

Anapoîa and not Mâdhava. 

While the Suthashanm is a smail garland, though a masterpiece 
ofitskind, of didactical poems contalning oîie hundred and forty four 
gems collected in twelve chapters haviirg twehe verses each - analysing 
human beings after their character, moral ideas and philosophical ideas 
are set out in one and the same stanza by paronomasia (sîesa) or alîegory 
(anyâpadesa). According to tradition, the three works, Rahasya sandesa 
a short work explaining the vedic phrase 'ahamâtmâ na deho'smi', 
Rahasya sandesavîvarana another short work explaining certain points in 
the earlier work and Tatîvasandesa, another short work devoted to 
explaining the introductory phrase in Sri Rlmâniîja's Èrirahgagadyam 
were composée by Vedanta desika forîhebenefit of the son ofMidhàva, 
Toquote the penuitimaie stanza of the last of the three works, 

îrlvîdhacîdacîdekatanîra Iaksye 
yatîpatî yamuna bhasîîe 'nuyokiuh / . 
îdamiîî nigamànîa desîkena 
pratîsamadîsyata mâdhavatmajasya jj 

**The son of Madhava who was deeply interested in beîng initiated in 
the wrîtings of Ràmaniija and Âlavandâr (Yâraunâcârya) was provided 
by Nigamantamahadesika with this clarification on the phrase beginning 
with trivldha cîd acit. 

Should the epithet sarvajna be meaningful, (it shonld be so as îs 
corroborated by its long and uncontroverted use) this Sîrnhanâyaka womld 
not hâve been satisfied with the three small books, whîch, judged by his 
standard expressed by his epithet, would be only eiementary; what is 
worse, the SubhEsUamvi is not the type of work which could • hâve 
pleased Sarvajia Simhaniyaka. The author need not be mistaken to 
decry the standard or excellence of the work in any way), - 

VedântadeSïka is said to hâve addressed the prince in the last 
stanza (which compares only with the sage Kanva's parting advice to 
Sakuntalâ) thxis — 

sattvasthân nîbhrîam prasudaya S0tam vfttifu vymasthâpaya 
trasya brahmavîdagasas trnamiva traivargîkân bMmyal 
nîtye sesinî nfksipan nîjabharam sarvamsahe ârisakhe 
dharmafp dharaya cmakasya kusalîn dhïïrBdhar^lkëmmdk ( f 

This stanza is apparently simple and its simplef meaaing .ia 
adéquate for a prince in advîsing him how one could lead Ihe life.af. a 
prapanm (a dedieated soûl), a king, though he be, Desika is. sàii tu? 



74 S,V. UNÎVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

hâve dcspatched the script of the Subhasîtamvi and tlie three short ' 
Works throHgh îhe cbosen scholar-messengers of the prince addressing 
him by the above qaoted stuiza of advfce. 

Haviog thus dismissed the attempt to identify the *Madhavâ*s 
son' with Sarvajia Simha, the author of the Rasarnava sudhâkara, we 
shall now sift the other claims. 

The case for identification of the person with Singaprabhu of the 
Venkatagiri dynasty, who was the grandfaîher of Sarvajia Simha has 
also been disciissed and dismissed already. 

Except the tv^^o stanzas at the end of the TaUvasandesa quoted 
above which indicate that the work was in response to an enquiry for the 
*son of Mâdhava' (Madhavatmajasya) and that it was addressed to a king 
there is no further material avaiîable anywhere in the works of Vedânta- 
desika to serve the purpose as internai évidence. 

The Vaîbhavaprakïïsîka stuti (a poem of one hundred and sixty 
six slokas beseeching the benevolence of the poet-philosopher) indicates 
the composition in hundred and twenty eighth stanza thus — 

sugunct subhasiîanSm 
ma fa racîm mahaiman&m priîyai j 
nîrmama suhrd'âm vidusa 
nîgamântagurum bhajâmî tam nîtyam // 

Whiîe this, the earîiest of the eulogies of Vedântadesîka (believed 
to hâve been composed shortîy afrer the îifetime of the poet-philosopher) 
sung by a most 'filial' follower and powerful exponent of his philosophical 
treatises, Mahâcârya, (popuîarly known as Candamarutam DoddayàcSrya 
of colasimhapura) does not give any more détails about it, the two 
Works which took 'inspiration and material from Doddayacârya's work 
give further détails. They are the Vedantadesîkavaîbhava prakasîkâ, 
a manipravàja work by Govindâclrya or Periya Appangâr and Guru-^ 
paramparë prabhïtva of the third pontiff of Parakalamaîham - both of 
which could not hâve been produced before the second quarter of the 
fifteenth century. The former of thèse describes the person to be 
idcntified as Sarvajia nâyaka, son of Madhava who ruied from Ekasîlâ" 
nagarî Rajmahendra paftana. The latter work gives the person's name 
as Sarvajma Singappa nàyaka but docs not mention either the name of his 
father or that he was a prince. Thèse two books aîso mention that 
Simhaniyaka made enquiries (as to who was the bcst living exponent of 
Râmânuja's system of philosophy) and then sent chosen srîvaisnavas 
(two according to the former and a few according to the latter) to 
Vedântadesîka as the prince could not pay his respects in person to the 
poets-philosopher. .. j 



VEDANTA DESIKA AND SlîyîHABHUPÂLA 75 

Tbe Ratnapeiîka commentary on the Subhâsjianm (by Srînivàsa) 
makes mention of the prince but the versions differ with différent rédac- 
tions ôf the maniiscripts. Three versions are there ~ as follows : 

(i) the prince Singa in Ràjamahendra nagara 
{il) the prince SarvajEa Siàga ruîing in Rijamahendranagara 
(îii) the prince Sarvajna Singa 

We know that the history of events in the fourteenth centnry in 

India was more confused than as it is accepted even now after long and 

considérable audit by historians. The sudden scourge of Mohapime,daE 

invasions which were more in the nature of plnnder or dacoity than 

organised royal expéditions or conquests and the insecurity felt every- 

where should hâve blurred the perceptibility of contemporary narrators 

if any; and more so where the scholars attached ail imporiance to the 

teaching and material than to personalities and names. It is thps likely 

that the names hâve been introduced in thèse later works by conjecture 

taking ihe more prominent names in the history as recounted then. It 

is also significant to note that ail of thèse three writers îived in the. 

northern région of Tamiinad far removed from the place, wjiere the 

incident had occurred - the iSrst writer at Côlasimhapura (Sôlingar) the 

second at Mysore and the third at Tirupati orKânchL 

Another paramount sovereign of the Andhra circle whose name 
beats a close resemblance to Simhabhûpâla had combined Jîï himself 
royal prowess and scholarship. He was the Yâdava rulcr of Devagirî, 
Singhana son of Jaitrapala. A commentary on Sârngadeva^s Sangitû'^ 
rain&kara has been traced to him. This work had been earliex attri- 
buted to the pen of SarvajSa Simba, probabîy on account of the 
sinailarity of names. But it is impossible to considef this Singhana for 
ourcase, as he ruled from a.d. 1210 and breathed his last in a.d. 1247 
twenty two years before Vedàntadesika was born. .. 

But, who then is the Simhabhûpala or MIdhava's son who had 
betaken to the discipleship of Vedàntadesika ? 

Every student of history knows that the Hoyasalaimonarch 
Bittidëva of Dvarasamudra was converted to Srîvaisnava faith by Sri 
Râmanuja and was thenceforth known as Visnuvardhana. With the faK 
of the Co|a empire, Visnuvardhana was doubtless the greatest emperor 
of South India. He and his successors made distinct contributions: to 
the expansion and progress of the Vaisnava movement in South India. 
A number of temples dedicatèd to Vî§nu came into beiiig and a number 
of inscriptions dating between 1311 and 1340 in Avînâsi, Bhavinij 
Cainabat0re^ Gôpicettipâ}ayam and Erodê taluks would show that the 
K.Qàgiina4u was: then under thé undisputed suzcrainty ®f thç Hoynsala^, 



76 S.V. UNÏVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

During this period the Hoyasala monarch was Vîraballala or Baîlâla IIL 
In the history of the Hoyasaias their gênerais held positions of colossal 

importance and were household liâmes with citizens as the monarchs 

îhemselves were. 

PerumâJ dandanâyaka was a devoted gênerai of Visîiuvardh^ma. 
Hîs name itself suggests that the Perumâl could hâve migrated from the 
TamiJ country, because the name Perumâl is a purely Tamil name. 
PerumâFs son was Mâdhava dandanâyaka whose name v.as also promi- 
nent araongîhe fioyasa}as' gênerais. Mâdhava had many epithet-^ to his 
name such as mahapradhâm and paramavisvâsi. He had founded the 
castle at Dannâyakkankôttai in the Gôpicettipalayam taluk from where 
he virtually ruled as a représentative of the Hoyasa}a monarchs. lonu- 
merable donations and benefactions in his name are witnessed aroong 
the Vaisnavite. He had two sons Kêtaya and Singaya or Singana both 
hâve made libéral endowrnents to the temples. Mâdhava and his sons 
are said to hâve been in charge of fourteen countries with their capital 
at Terkanambi. Kêtaya is said to hâve endowed properties for conduct 
of wrorship in Visnu shrines for the welfare of his brother Singana. From 
ail thèse one thing is clear and it is that Sirnhanâyaka or Singanâyaka 
Irke his brother, father and grandfather must hâve been an ardent 
devotee of Visnu and it is no wonder that he betook to the feet ofan 
acârya of the stature of Vedânta desika. 

It is aiready settled among the hhtorians that Vedântadesika had 
to flee Srîrangam in A»D. 1327 when the holy town was ravaged by the 
Mohammedan bands. Lokacarya accompanied the utsava deity of 
Ranganâtha (Namperuma}) in a southerly direction and Vedântadesika 
Ëed to the west taking with him the philosophical manuscripts and in 
particular the Srutaprakïïsikâ (commentary on Sribhasya) of Sudarsana- 
bhattar along with the latter's two young sons. ît is also certain 
that for a considérable part of the Mohammedan interregnum at Sri- 
rangamj Vedântadesika lived in Saîyakâlam which has been distingui- 
shed from Satyaraangalam and identified with a place near Kollekalam. 
Tt was over this area that the Hoyasala gênerai Simhadandanlyaka 
virtually rulled during the second quarter of the fourteenth century. 
Further this area never attracted the attention of the Mohammedan 
invaders. It is a matter of adding two and two to affirm that the 
Subhïïsîta nivi and the three smali works mention ed above besides many 
ôther compositions could hâve been composed in this caîm and serene 
atmosphère. 

Theremaystill bejDne apparent hurdle inidentifyîng thisHoyasaîa 
gênerai as the personaîity referred to in the traditional accounts of the 
life of Vedântadesika. The Vafbhava prakaiîkat Guruparampam and 
thc[ RatnapeiîkS^ commentary mentioned above al! state that the îiiitia- 



VEDÂNTA DESîKA AND SÎMHABHUPÂLA 77 

tïon of ihe ruîcr by Vedâiitadesika was througb the médium of certain 
srîvaisnavas and not in person. But in Doddayâcârya's stuti there is no 
mention even of ihe name of the prince. As the writer has shown in the 
earlier part of îhis study, it wilî not be unreasonable îo agrée with the 
writer that authors of thèse îhree works should hâve taken a ruler by 
name Siiphanâyaka for grantrd, tried to connect one of the historical 
figures of that name with the thème and should hâve învented the 
médium of 'two' or 'few' srîvaisnavas to explain how the ruler of 
Deccan couîd hâve communicated with ihe great acârya. 

The threesmali works mentioned above are in manlpravala style- 
the compositions are thus basically Tamii with a few Sanskrit words 
woven into their text and a knowledge of Tarail is essential to read and 
understand the v^orks. An Àndhra ruler who never came îo îhe South 
or who never knew Tamil could not hâve come into such literary corres- 
pondence with Vedântadesika. To him nothing in thèse works could 
bave been useful. From this point of view also, identification of Simha- 
bhupâla with Smgadandanâyaka, son of Mâdhavamahâpradhâni would 
be nearer truth than of thmking him to be an Andhra ruler, 

The penultimate verse of the Tattvasandesa quoted above merely 
narrâtes that "thus Mâdhava's son was given enlightenment (or clarifi- 
cation) ". This may as well point out to a personal meeting of Mâdhava's 
son Smgadandanâyaka and Vedântadesika. Unlike SarvajSa Simha 
this Singadandanâyaka does not appear to be a poet or one with a lot 
of learning, but he appears to be just a devotee of Visnu and one greatly 
interested in contributing his mite to the propagation or expansion of 
Râmànuja's system of philosophy in the world. 

One more reading of ihe entire subject drives to the following 
conclusion : — 

Mâdhava's son Sirnhadandanâyaka, the lord of the fourteen 
terri tories with the capital at Terkanambi should hâve received Vedânta- 
desika into the territory and hâve spent some time at his feet. To a 
gênerai who had to be busier than the monarch himself in the admini- 
stration of the State, there would not hâve been much time to learn the 
Works meant for a pandit at the feet of Vedântadesika. The gênera! 
should hâve been initiated with the gadyas and a detailed exposition by 
Vedântadesika could hâve been commenced but stopped or given up 
soon either for the reason of low receptivity in the gênerai or for paucity 
of time for the gênerai. This conclusion fits in well with the fact that at 
the end of thèse tbree minor works, Vedântadesika gave him a verse 
containing the most practical teaching in simple terms for a ruler accom- 
panîed by a didactic pièce of poctry, namcly. the Subësiiamn. 



Dr. VMAKANT THAKUR 

MOUNTAINS AND RIVERS OF SOUTH INDÎA 
AS PROVIDED IN THE SKANDA PURAl^IA 



Ananîagîri : This is a mountain spoken of by none of the modern 
scholars so far. However, as it finds mention in the Vehkatscalâ^ 
mshâtmya of the Skânda purana it may be conjectured to be situated in*, 
the vicinity of the vehkatacala. A pond named devaîirtha is said to be 
located thereon.^ 

Anjanadri: It is also known as anjanacala, It is identical with 
venkatacala, It is ascertained that in satyayuga at the reqnest bf 
Vrsabhâsura venkatâcala yvas named as vrsabhacala and in trétayuga it 
was known as anjamcala as anjanây the mother of Hanumân practised 
penance hère. In dvïïpara it was known as sesacala and in jcalîyuga it is 
îiamcd as vehkotacala since it removes ail sins.^ 

Ârani : This is a river near Nâriyanapurî^ in the vicinity ot 
venkatadnA Its western bank îs full of trèes.^ the phalius of 
Agastyesvara is also sitnated very near to it.^ *^ ^ '' 

Arunâcala : Accordîng to the Skanda purana,'^ aruttâcala n 
situated in therfrâvMûE (i.e, the Deccan) country. Its extent'is said to 
be twenty four miles. It is held that the Lord Siva résides hère in th^ 
form of this mountain. It is the abode of ail tfae deities and semi-gods: 



1. SK. Vai. Ven. M. 17. 1. 79-80. 

2. Tîrthânka, P. 508. 

3. Sk. Vai Veâ. M. chapter 5, Verse 46» 
4- ibîd. chapter 5. 

5. ibid. 5.62. 

6. ibid. 5. 63-64. 

7. Sk. Ma. A.ch. M.U. 4 - 10-14- 



83 S.¥. UNIVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

ît is treaîed as soperior !o sumeru, kailasa and mandarâcala^ The 
Tîrthânka (Page 352} also refers to it and identifies iî with modem 
tirmannâmalaî in South îndia. Tiruvannamalaî is said to be the Ta mil 
name of arunâcala. As regards the mention of this mountain in the 
purânas the Tirthahka refers to the Skanda purana, but the références 
given therein seem to be wrong.^ 

It is siîuated at a distance of six furlongs frora the Tiruvannamalaî 
station,^ whîch stands at a distance of forty two miles from Viliapuram 
on the Villupuram-Giïdùr line. The Skânda purâna further reveals 
that m the beginning this mountain was in the form of fireJO it was iike 
the colour of copper and hence it is also known as sonâcala, as the text 
shows. After the prayer of the deities it changed its previous form and 
took the présent one. It is known by différent names^^ in the dijBFerent 
âges viz, in krtayuga it is known as agnimayakaîla, in treîâ - manî- 
parvata, in dmpara - hstakagiri, and in kaliyuga - marakatacala. In 
krtayuga it was al! fire and when the sages rounded it from outside, then 
it became cold. Arunacala is said to be situated to the south of 

Bhrgu : The mountain Bhrgu is said to be situated on the south 
of rêva. Siilabheda, a place of pilgrimage is siîuated on itJ^ Mr. 
Dey's bhrguîunga^^ is noî identical wiîh this, Dr. Kane, however, 
refers to one bhrgutunga^^ near amarakantaka which may be identified 
with this bhrgu parvaia, 

Cîtrakûia : This is one of the fifteen river s risiag from the rksa- 
padaJ^ The Vdyu (45-99) and the Matsya (14-25) puranas also mention 
it likewisej'7 Mr. Dey identifies it with payasvMM 

Cîirotpalë: It rises from mountain rksapadaJ^ The Brahma- 
purâfpa (27,31-32) also supports what the kk'anda puriïna says in this 



8. The Tîrtli. (page 6, Foot No. 8) refers to chapter 3 instead of ch. 4. of Arunâ- 
cala mâhâtniya. 

9. Tîrth. P. 353. 

10. Sk. Ma. Axh. M.P. 7. 8-16. 

IL ibid. P. 7. 3-5. 

12. ibid, U. 4. 29. 

13. Sk. Ava. Rêva, 44. 8-9, 

14. Geog. Die. 34. 

15. Hist. Dus, ÎV. 739. 

1€. Sk- Ava. Rêva. 4. 45-48. 

17. Hîst. Dus. IV, 744. 

18. Geog. Dlc. 50. 

Î9, Sk. Ava. Rêva. 4. 45-48. 



MOUNTAINS AND RIYERS OF SOUTH INDIA 81 

respect. Mr, Dey identifies it with citropalâ,^^ Ihe river mahanadi m 
Orissa. 

. Dandâdri : According îo the Skctnda pnrona dandàdri h the wesierc 
part of arunacala or sonacala?^ 

Dardura parvata: The name of ihis mountain finds mention in 
the Skânda purâna— m association with the other mountains of India. 
But its location is not évident in this purana However. the namc 
occurs in several other purânas-^ alsoand accordingly it bas been identi- 
fied with the nilagîri hiîls. Mr. Dey aiso observes that it is the nilagirî 
hiîls in Madras Sîate.24 

ûasârnà : ït is mentioned as one of the fifteen tributarîes of the 
river gangâ, It takes its rise from the rksopsda mountain. Wilson 
identifies it with the modem Dasan,^^ which rises in Bhopa! and falls 
into the Betwa. It fiows through the couniry of Dasârna,^^ the eastern 
part of Mâlvâ, its capital being Vidisi, the modem Bhilsa sitnated on 
the vetravati or Betwa (Megh. î 24-~25;. Mr. Dey also refers to and 
locates it as said above,^'^ 

Erandi sangama : This is a place of pilgrimage on the notth bank 
of the r.armadâ.^^ It is said to be the purifier of sins.^^ Tht Maîsya 
(191.42; 193.65) and the Padma (I 18. 41) pi^ranas^^ refer to erandiûrtha 
as a river being the tributary of the narmada in Baroda tjrritory which 
is called uri or or- The Word itself indicates that it is the confluence 
of the river erandi with the narmada Hence it may be identified with 
the erandi -narmada -sangama as evinced by the Maîsya (î94. 32), the 
Kurma (II 41.85; 4231) and the Padma (I 18 41) purânis?^ 

Gandhamâdana : The Skânda purânà^- holds that Badarînitha is 
sîtuated on the mountain of gandhamâdana. (See Gandhamâdana in 



20. Geog. Die. P. 50. 

21. Sk. Ma- A.ch M 4-28. 

22. Sk. Ma. ke. 30. 32-35. 

23. Réf. by His. Dhs. IV. 745. 

24. Geog. Die. p. 53. 

25. Réf. by Hist. Dhs. IV. 745 

26. Skt. En g Die, Page 662. 

27. Geog. Die. Page 54- 

28. Sk. Ava. Rêva. 103.3. 

29. ïbid. 217.1. 

30. Hist. Dhs. IV. 75î. 

31. ibid. 

32- Sk. Vai. B. M- 4. % 



S2 S.V. UNIVERSfTY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

]\orth India ai;o:, It is fiirîher said to be located in South fndia, and 

:r. assôcîaied w'nh râmekvaralinga ^i Setabandha.^^ Mr Dey aiso says 

•i::at a ponhw oï Uiis mountain was brought by Hanumln*^^ ît is pointed 
;nit ti:::.-^ Râîresvyrarn in South îndia The Skanda purana, further, 

■;.ocate3 it il Saiirâstra.^^ 

Gange: The Skanda purand^^ mendons it as the hoîiest river in 
îhe three worlds. It has fifteen tributaries namely - sof^a, mahanada, 
mandâkim, dasïïrnïï, citrakuta, tamasa, vidasa, karabhâ, yamuna, 
cUrotpala^ vipcisâ^ ranjanU and valuvâhini - ail risiiig from the rksa 
rnountain ^^ Gangà flowîng to ths South is knowa as the w^'irmad^â or 
tîie dûksfna gahga?^ 

Ghûtikïïcaia : Besides ghaéikâcala, aru^âdri, hasiisaila, and 
gfihmdri loo are situated in the South339 and in the vicinity of ksîranadï. 
Dr. L:iw refers to it and places it at Sholinghur in the North Arcot 

c ■•strict ^<> 

God:lvcn : This is a very sacred and renowned river in South 
Iiidia.^-^ Ï£ Issues from brahmagîrî which is situated on the side of a 
vllag's namtd Tryambaka existing at the distance oftwenty miles from 
Kâsik.*^^ Ils îength is said to be two hundred yojanas.^3 It is called 
g'iiitamt also in the Brahma purana^"^ Dr. Kane has dusted several 
t ges m regard to ic.^^ ît is the largest and longest river in South India. 
According to Dr. Law it rises from the western ghats. ït takes its source 
in the Nâsik hills of the Bombay State and cuts through a good portion 
of the Ândhra State.*^^ He says that it is about nine hundred miles 
in length. It falls into the Bay of Bengaî in the district of Godâvari."^*^ 



33. 


Sk. Bra. Se. M 1-27. 


34. 


Geog. Dîc. 60. 


35. 


Sk. Pra. V, kse. 16. 82-S4. 


36. 


Sk. Ava. Rêva. 4. 45-49. 


37. 


îbïd. chapter 6. 


38. 


ibid. 


3^. 


Sk. Vaî, Vea. M. 1,41-42. 


40. 


Hîst. Geog. 152. 


41. 


Sk- Vai. Yen. M. 22. 25-33. 


42. 


Geog. Die. 69-70. 


43. 


Hist Dhs. IV. 707. 


44. 


ibid. 


45. 


ibid. 707-711. 


45. 


Hist. Geog. 37. 


47. 


ibid. 



MOUNTAINS AMD RIVERS OF SOUTH INDIA 83 

Gokarnagirî : It is a mountain on which Ravana is said to hâve 

perfornied austerities.^^ Mr. Dey identifies it with the modem 
Gomiikliî, two miles beyond Gangotrî. 49 The identification of Gokarna 
with Goraukhîso is supported by Dr. B.C. Law also. It is a large rock 
cailed cow's mouth by the Hindus from its resemblance to the head 
and body of that animaL^^ 

Gràhrâdri; The name occurs in association with arunàdrîy 
hasîlsaîla, ^nd ghatika cal a in Souih ïndia.52 Mr Dey^s^ Dr, Kane^^, 
^T. Law55 and Cunningham^^ refer îo its namesake whicû is located 
nnder Gayâ and hence not identical with this. 

Hastfsalia: This is a hili situatcd in South India. The name 
occurs in a^sociation with arunadrî, grdhràdri, and ghatîkacala (q.v.) 57 
The river suvarnamukhari stands forty miles north of it, on the north 
bank of which exists kamaîasarovara. The Veùkatacaîa stands five 
miles to the north of kamaîasara. Thus it may be îocated to the south 
of venkaiâcala^^ at a distance of about forty-five miJes from it. 

Hàtakagîri : Same as Ârunnca^a (qv.). 

Kalyanadi : This is a river near the holy river suvarnamukhari 
said îo be as hoiy as the kàlindi and the jahnavi,^^ The kalya issues 
from vrsabhctcala.^^ The kalya is praised as the best of ail the rivers. 
Both the banks of this river are said to hâve been thickly covered with 
trees and creepers of various types and are a vcry comfortable place for 
hermits whose hermitages abound in thîspiace The vehkamcala^^ is 
said to be at a distance of half a yojana norrh from the confluence of 
suvarnamukhari and kaîyâ, the heighi of which is one yojana. 

Krmavenï : This is a river in South India in the vicinity of 
venkatacala.^^ Dw Kane identifies it with the confluence of krsna 
and venyâ^^ and says that it issues from the sahya mountain. 



48. 


Sk. Ma, ke. 8. 44 


49. 


Geog. Die. 70 


50. 


Hist. Geog 80. 


SI. 


Geog. Die. 7i. 


52. 


Sk, Vai. Veà. M. 1.41-42. 


53. 


Geog. Die. 72. 


54. 


Hist. Dhs.IV. 755. 


S5. 


Hist. Geog 220-22Î. 


S€. 


A.G, page 534, 


57. 


Sk. Vai. Veô. M. î. 41-42, 


5S. 


ibid. 42-46. 


59- 


ibid, 35-1 


60, 


ibid. 35. 2-3. 


61. 


ibid. 35. 1Î-Î2. 


62. 


ibid. 44-48. 


es. 


Hist. Dhs, IV. 77Î. 



84 S.V. UNÏVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

Karahha: This is one of îhe fifteen tributaries of the river 
gangâ.^'^ AH of tliem hâve originated from God Rudra and they take 
îiîcir risf from rksapàda mountain (q.v.). The river karabhâ is so 
calkd l>fcauie ihe brilliantly shines while she flows on^^ as the moon 

shines at nighî wîth her flowing rays. 

Kâverl : According to the Skânda purâna^^ it is a holy river in 
South lodia. A bath in it in the month of kartîka vi^ouîd bring one 
great merit.^'^ Some of the puratias and the epics^^ are of opinion that 
it rises in the sahya mountain in South India. This river is also known 
as the daksina ganga ^^ Dr, B.C. Law explains that it starts from 
Coarg and passes through the districts of Coimbatore and Trichinopoly 
and falls into îhe Bay of Bengaî.^Q 

Kaven sangama: This is the confluence of the kaveri and ihe 
narmadà. Her© Kubera is said to hâve obtained sîddkî. It is regard ed 

as a very holy place for pilgrimage^i 

Mahanada : This is one of the fifteen tributanes of the sacî"cd 
river gangaP- It is said to hâve issued from the mountain rksapàda 

(q.v.) and thought to be very sacred and remover of ail sins. 

Mahârnivài \t finds mention nowhere e!se than in the Skânda 

puramJ^ lî is one of the tributaries of ihe sacred river gangà and may 
be identical with the river mahanada (q.v.) The Tirthankd^'^ refers to 
one mahënadi, which is said to be situated in the South. Both of them 
secm to be identical. 

Mahendra: According to the Skïïnda purâna it is one of the 
mouotains which are regarded as the phalli of God Siva himself . Thcy 
are described as th© destroyers of sins. This mountain range coiisists 
of srïsiiia, mahmdra, sahy&cala, màiyavan, malaya, vindhya, gandba^ 
madana, kveîakûta. trîkUta, and dardura parvataP^ Mr Dey observes 

64. Sk. Ava. Rêva. 4. 45-49. 

65. ibid. 6. 43. 

66. Sk. VaL Veô. M, 25. 6-22. 

67. ibid. 4. 50-53. 

68. Ref by His^ Dhs. ÏV. 767. 

69. NrsimhaP 66-7. 

70. Hist. Geog. Î62. 

71- Sk. Ava. Rêva. 29. 8-9. 

72. ibîd. 4. 45-49. 

73. ibîd, 6.35. 

74. The Spécial Number 0f Kalyân, year 31, Page 332. 

75. Sk. Ma. Ke.3î. 92-94. 



MOUNTAÎNS AND RIVERS OF SOUTH ÎNDIA 85 

that the whole range of hills extending from Orissa to the district of 
Madura was known by the name of mah-'^ndra patvata'^^ Dr. Kane 
rcveals that iii the Ganjam district there is a peak called mahendragirî 
a%out 5,0G0 f«et M^.^'^ It also finds mention in Allahabad stone pillar 
inscription of Samudragupta.^^ 

Malapahânadi : The name o cours in the Skânda purana'^^ while 
describing the pilgrimage of Arjuna from bhagiraîhi to suvarnamukharu 
Just afte. malapaha the name krsnaveni cornes and evidently it seems 
to be situated in South India.^o j^^, Kane also refers to it as a river in 
the South and says that the town Munipainâ by name is situated on its 
bank where there is Pancalinga Mahesvara.^î 

Malayâcala: In the Skânda purana the name occurs in associa- 
tion with mahendra, srisaila, vîndhya, pariyïïtra and yamàiaya.^^ It is 
described as one of the seven mountains of Jndia caîled Kîdaparvatas^^ 
It is renowned as one of the principal mountains of India.^^ Mr. Dey^^ 
identifies it with the southern parts of the western ghats south of the 
river kâveri.^^ 

Mandakinî : The name of the river mandakini appears in the 
Skanâapur'âna \n coanection with the description of the origin and 
différent stages of the river narmadà^'^ which is said to be originated 
from the body of God Rudra. As to the significance of îhe name it is 
stated that the river narmada whiie flowing to the South originating 
from the body of God Rudra flowed very siowly near the tree of Kalpa 
and hence it is so called. Dr. Kane mentions it locating it near moun- 
tain citrohûta rising from rksavat. 

Maniparvata: Same as Arunacala (q.v.). 

Marakatacala : Same as Arunacala (q v.). 

Narmada: According to the Skânda purana, narmada and rêva 
arc identical.ss Jt rises from the body of Rudra and hence it is called 

76. Geog. Die. 119. 

77. Hist. Dhs. IV. 777. 

78. C.Ï.I. VoLIII. p. 7. 

79. Sk. Vai Veô. M. 29. 39-48. 

80. ibid. 29.44. 

SI. Hist. Dhs. IV. 778. 

82. Sk. Ava. A.C.L.M 3-12. 

83- Sk. Ma. Kau. 39. 112. 

84. Sk. Ma, Ke. 30. 32-35. 

85. Geog. Die. 112. 
36. ibid. 171. 

87. Sk. Ava. Rêva. 6. 23-45. 

88. ibid. chapters 1, 2, 5, 6. 



S6 S.¥. UNIVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

ri'Jra sainbhavH.^^ It is said that the holy river ganga flows towards alî 

tz-3 d[TQciiC-i> lY'.th its liftecn tribuiaries rising from the raountain 
rxsapc:d{i Accorcing îo the Skânda purana the river narmads does noî 
c2^.se 10 CiO^j vtn ::: îhe tné of îhe seveii kalpas and heiice it is called 
I"'arrr.adâ ^'"^ Ar to ihe origin of the name narmadâ , ït is said that 
once :!ia demi jods %^;ere enjoying merriments by dancing and clapping 
ir.eir harids niien scddeiily a girî was seen before Lord Sankara. Seeiiig 
h^r. the d3::i!g3db wer»:; asionished. Then the bow-holder (Lord Siva) 
cbserved - " As merrinient bas been given by her activities, separately, 
she wîiî be a holy river kiiowo as narmada - givcr of merriment or 
emoror.s pastime.^^ "' 

Nàmyanagiri or Nàrayanâdri - The Vehkatacalamahatmya of 
the Skânda purana deals wiîh it. The narâyanagirî îs the name of 
vynkatàcald^- l^v.), which is sauated in the Dravida country. It is 
i'":corded x\vùl ihe sanie mountain is kîiown by différent names in the 
c ixTercîit rges-'^ such as - in krîayuga - anjanâdri, in tretà - narâyana- 
g:ri^ in dvïïpara - sïmhasalla and in kaliyuga ït is known as ^ri- 
Vî:nkaiâcala, ït is also cal!ed paramâtmâlayagiri^^ It is ascertained 
iAm l\i:Tt are sixty-six crores oï tirîhas on this boiy mountain.^^ On 
liiis moantain mainiy seven îlrthas lie which are auspicious.^^ They 
are - cakrannh-j, d:^vaîlrtha, viyadgangâ, kumaradharikà, pâpanasana, 
po-ndava r.iid svâmi-puskarini. It is said that one who saintes îhis 
rnountain 'cvzn from far away ivith regards, is released from al! sins aiid 
goes io the résidence of God Visnu.^'^ 

Paramatmïïiaya : Sanie as Narâyanagirî. 

Pinakini : The name occurs while descrlbing the pllgrimage of 
Arjîiiia to suvarnamukharî at vehkatâcaia in the South ^^ The descrip- 
tion shows that the river pinakini flows somewhere in between érîparvata 
âiid venkaiâcaiQ The iocarion oî srîparvata is obvions hère at the river 

icrmavenï UQ , krsnâ,^^ Mr. Dey has rightly identified it with the river 

pennër m Andhra State. ^^^ 



m. 


ibid. L îl. 


90. 


ibid 2.55. 


91. 


ibid. 5. 45-48. 


92. 


Sk. Val. Vea. M. î. 50-62 ff. 


93. 


ibid verses 60-61. 


94. 


ibid. 


95. 


ibid. verse 56. 


96, 


îbid. î. 51-52. 


97. 


ibid. î 62- 


98. 


ibid. 29. 39-48. 


99. 


ibid. 29 44-46. 


Î0( 


). Geog. Die. 157. 



MOUNTAINS AND RIVERS OF SOUTH INDIA 87 

Ranjanïï : ft is identical with tiarmadâ Since a visiî to this 
river pleasea the piigrimsit js called tanjanâj^^ The name is derived 
from the root ranj - ' to please'. It rises from rksapâda mountain 
(q.v.) It is said to be one of the fifteen rivers that originated from the 
body of Rudra.îo^ 

Rsabha : According to the Skanda pnrëna this mountain is situated 
to the south of meru and to the norîh of dugdhakunâa ^^^ Hère stands 
the lake named ramyasara (q v.). 

Revâi The river is so sacred that it covers a spécial chapter in 
Avaniîkhanâa of the Skânda purâna. li is identical with narmadâ. 
bhrgu asrama and suklattrîha are said to stand at revàA^^ 

Rksapada : It is also known as rksasaila^^^ mountain. The name 
occurs in the Skanda purana while describJng the source of narmada. It 
is said thaï narmadà went to the South by the order of the God Siva, 
takîng its rise in the rksasaiia. There are fifteen rivers which are said 
to hâve taken their sources in thi^ mountain. They are - sona, 
mahanada, narmadâ, surasU, manda ki ni, dasâmâ, cîtrakutïï, tamasâ^ 
vidasà, karabhâ, yamunâ, chrotpaîà, vipasâ, ranjanâ and valuvàhînt. 
Ali thèse are said to hâve originated from the body of Rudra.^o^ Dr. 
B.C. Law refers to it 'ds rksavat.'^^'^ According to him it is the ancient 
name of the modem vîndhya mountain. It is identical with Ouxenton 
of Ptolemy, who identifies it with the central région of the modem 
Vindhya range north of the narmada J^^ 

Rsyamukagîrh The SkUnda purana ascertains that in search of 
Si ta, R.ama went to pampa from pancavatï and from there he reached 
fsyamûkagin. Thereafter he went to Dundubhi and with Sugriva and 
Laksmaria again started for Kiskindha '^^ Mr. Dey observes that this 
mountain is situated eight miles from Ânegondî on the bank of tunga- 
hhadtâ^^^ The river p ^mpâ ïisqs in this mountain andfalls into the 
tungabhadrâ after flowing westward. The Tirthdnka (p. 305-307) 
holds that the road which is before the Virïïpaksa temple leads to this 
mountain. The river tungabhadrâ flows hère in the shape of a bow. 

101. Sk. Ava. Rêva. 6. 43-44. 

102. ibîd. 4. 45-49. 

103. Sk. Ava. Akse. M. 70. 1-2. 

104. Sk. Ma. Kan. 3. 3-5. 

105. Sk. Ava. Rêva. 6. 25-26. 

106. ibid, 45-49. 
307. Hist. Geog. 328. 

108. ibid. 

109. Sk, Bra. Se. M. 2. 6-18. 

110. Geog. Die. 169. 



m S.V. UNiVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

Sahyacûla : According îo îhe Skânda purâna^ \i \s one of the 
rîiouniafns whlch are treaîed as the phallus of Lord Siva.^ïî Fî may be 
" identilied wîlh snhyëdrî of Mr. Oey, which is said to be same as rhy. 
norfhern parts of ihc western ghats, norîh of the river kaverî, Dr Law- 
observes îhat the wesfern ghaîs were known to the ancienis as sahyadri, 
wiiich form the western boundary of the Deccan.^^^ 

Èâiagrëma : The îiame occurs in connection with iht piIgrimaj.Te 
of a brahmin of South India.^'^ ^^i ^^e h^^caîion is not clear hère in ihe 
Skmdû puranaM^ Il îs said that Sâlagrâma hill is Visnu.^î^ j^- jg further 
said ta be onz of the important mountains of îndja,^'^ and is situated in 

tîieSooth ni 

Éesàealû : ît is also known as sesâdri or sesagîri \i seems to ')e 
a pcak of the venkafiïcala,^^^ which is situated on the bank of suvama- 
rnukhariln îhQ South. Mr, Dey also refers to it and identifies it w'idi 

Tiriimalaîî» and Tiropati, 

Sfmhddri: ît is one of the important mountains of the Souîh 
lodîaJ2o j|. ^^y 5g identiffed with the simhacaia of the Tirthâhka 
(P* 334). According to \t SimhScalara station is situated on the Howrah- 
\\altair fines, five miles before Waltair. The hilJs stand at a distance of 
t^oand a half miles from the station. Th. altitude of this place is eight 
hundred feet. ït is situated at ten miies to the north of Visakhapattan- m. 
itîs said that Hirawakasipo,throwingdown his son Prahiada i'nto the 

ri\ f .'^''^ G^d Visna savedhimby lifting 

tfiemountain iiî hîshand.î2i ^ ^ 

AruBa^It'î^^^^^ This river is located to the north of the mountain 
bath m^^^^^^^^^ This IS said to be sacred. Skanda is said to hâve takrn a 



IIL Sk. Ma. K:e.31.92~94, 

m. Hist. Gcog. Î86- 

ÎJ3. Sk. Vai. Veè. M, ÎO. 51-52. 

114. ibid. verses 60-62. 

115. Mist. DIb. ïv 799, 

116. Sic. Vai. Veà. M. L 37-42. 
îlî. Tîrtlîa. 334 

ÎÎS. Si, Vai Vcè.M, 9. 19-22, 

îî^. Geoj^: I>ic. Î84. 

120. Sk. Vai, Veà. M. I. 40,41. 

I?L nnh p. 334. 

m Sk Ma. Ach. M. p. 6. I2D-125. 

123* ibii. irer*e î25. 



MOUNTAINS AND RIVERS OF SOUTH INDIA 89 

Sona : Whiîe describing the origin of the Narmada, the oame of 
the river kna is mentioned in the Skânda purâni It is said that as the 
drops fell down from the sûla (trident) of the God Siva while he was 
observing penance, the river was known as sonaJ^"^ It has taken its 
source from the rksa mountain (q v.) 

Êonâcala or Sonàdri : Vide Arunâcala, 

Sniaila or Srlparvaîa : It is described as one of the linga parvatas 
ofïndia^"5 ^^^ ^s to its location on clear référence is found in the 
Skanda purâna, Dr. Kane says that it is a hill situated in Kurnool 
district on the south side of the krsnâ river fifty miies from Krisna 
station. 12^ 

Svâmipuskarfnî : It is aîso known as svâmîtirtha and svâmî" 
sarovara. ît is said to be situated on the bank of the suvarnamukhari on 
venkaiagirîA^'^ Vefikatesvara is said to be situated to the south of it.^^s 
Ail the tirthas are said to enter into the water of this tirîha in the 
morning of the twfclfth day of the second half of the month when the 
Sun is in the dhanû rasi,^^^ Mr Dey locates it in Tirupati^^o in Andhra 
Pradesh. 

Suvarnamukhari : ït is a holy river on Venkatâdrî, 

TrîkUta : The name occurs in association with the names of the 
mountains which are called iînga-parvatasJ^^ It is said to be the son of 
sumeru mountain. Kalidasa also refers to it which seems to be the tirahnu 
or îrîrasmî hill at Nâsik.*^^ 

Vaikuntha saila : îtis a cave where svâmipuskarfnî exists. Several 
rivers like suvaf-namukhan etc., corne across this cave. ^ 33 j^ |s one of the 
sub-:îrthas of veùkatacala. Mr. Dey mentions one baikantha as a place 
of pilgrimageabout twenty-two miles to the east of Tinnevelly visited 
by Caitanya.i^'^ 

124. Sk. Ava. Rêva. 6. 26-28. 

125. Sk. Ma. Ke. 31 92-94. 

126. Hist. Dbs. IV. 807. 

127. Sk. Vai. Ven. M. 13. 49-50. 
12^. ibid. 17 25. 

129. ibiJ. 27. 21. 

130. Geog. Die. 199. 

131. Sk. Ma. Ke. 31.92-94. 

132. Hist. Dhs.îV. 813. 

133. Sk. Vai. Yen. M. 38.49-53. 

134. Geog- Die. 16. 



90 S.V. UNIVERSÏTY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

Vayuvëhim : It is mentioned as one of the différent names of 
narmadu, It is said that as it takes the créatures îo heaven it is called 

vâyuvâhini ^^^ 

Vemimdî : Mr. Dey identifies it with the river waingangâ in the 

Central Provinces. ^^^ 

Venïï-Suvarnamukharî-sanqama : The confluence of the great 
river vend and the suvarnamukharî begins at the place sixteen miles 
north-east to the tmhaîraya^^'^ being combined with this river. The river 
suvarnamukharî rnns through the mountainous area to the north. Then 
she flows through the second stage i.e., on the land for thirty-two miles. 
Then she enters info the country and flows to the east. Thereafterit 
flows to the north, in this country covering the area of twelve miles. 
Vyaghrapada is also said to be touched by this river. 

Venkatdcala : ït is a place of pilgrimage in Southern India. It 
is so sacred that i't covers a spécial chapter in the Vaîmavakhanda known 
as Vekkaiacala mahàtmya, containing forty subchapters. This chapter 
deals with the sub-tîrthas under and praises of the venkatâcala. It is 
also known as venkatâdriorvenkata mahasaîla. It is said to be situated 
four miles north to the kamaîakhya sarovara,^^^ which is located on the 
north bank of the sacred river suvarnamukharî by name. It is spread 
over fifty-six miles having the ^Ithnàe of eight miles. Its peak is said 
to be a golden one. It is said to be the abode of God Visnu. èesagiri 
is probably the peak of this mountain, where exists the famous réservoir 
known as svàmipuskarinî, It is situated to the north of Srînivâsa and it 
is said to be very auspiciousJ39 jj^^ç Qq^ Venkatesa stands hère, a visit 
to which has been highiy eulogised, Those who do not visit this temple 
hâve been condemned extremely.^^o 

Innumerable rivers, réservoirs, forests, ksetras. vedâranyas, «âges 
like Vasîstha and others, God Visnu with Laksmî, God Siva with Pârvatf 
Sarasvati and Savitrî, ail the planets, Asta Vasus, Lokapâlas and severaî 
other deities are said to réside hère on the Venkatâcala for ail the twentY-- 
four hoiir^s.Hi Dr. Kane^42 also refers to it and'says that it is a mount- 
am m Dravida country, Arcot district, nea r Tirupati. He opines that 

135. Sk, Ava. Rêva. 6. 43-45, 

136. Geog. Die. 128. 

137. Sk. Val, Vcâ. M.19. 1«3. 

138. Ibid. L 43-47. 

139. ibid. 11.86-^8. 

140. îbid. 18. 42-43. 
14L îbïd. 19. 1-18. 

142. Hîst Dhs, ÏV. 820. 



MOUNTAÎNS AND RIVERS OF SOUTH INDIA 9J 

theshrine was once considered so holy that till Î870 no Christiaos or 
Musiims were allowed to ascend ilie hill Tirumala. According to the 
Skànda purana there are sixty-six crores of îïrîhas on this mour.tain,^'*^ 
among them sixty-eight hundred are givers of bhakti and vaîragya. 
Eventually it is recorded that there is no îirîha at ail in the world, and 
even those the svamîpuskarinî is more sacredJ^"^ It is said that in 
satyayuga at the request of Vrsabhâsura, it was named as vrsabbacala, 
in tretïï it was known as anjarâcala as AiTjanâ, the raother of Hanumân 
practised penance hère. In ihe memory of the remaining part it was 
known as sesacala in évapora, and in the kalîyuga it is known as venkatâ- 
cala as it removes ail sins.^^s Lord Vcnk. ttsa or Venkatesvara is situated 
on this mountain. 

Vidasà : It is one of the lifteen rivers that rise from the rksapada^ 
moiintain. No detaii is found in the Skanda purânaM^ It may be 
identical with the river bîdisâ which has been identified with the river 
Bes or Brsali which fails into the Betwa at Besnagar or Bhilsa.^^^ 

Vimalà : It seems to be another name of the narmadâ according 
to the Skànda purânaA^^ 

Vîpâpa : It is said that as the river narmadâ removes the sins it 
is called vipapâ also.'"^^ 

Vipâsâ : As ail the troubles are caught and not released by the 
narmadâ, it is called vipâsà^^^ 'vV - raeans vîgata and pàsa nmeans 
bonds) Mr. Dey refers to Bipâ^a^^^ and identifies it with the modem 
Bias, in the Punjab. As to its origin it îs said that once the sage 
Vasistha was extremely sorry due to the death of his sons kilied by 
Visvâmitra. Consequently he tied his hands and feet and jumped into 
the river, but the river being afraid of a brahmin-murder unfastened his 
bondage through the strong current and saved him by throwmg him on 
the banks.^52 

Vrsabhacala or Vrsâdrî : It is situated on the west bank of ^v^mï- 
puskarint tiriha,^^^ The Tîrthahka identifies it with the modem Tirumâlî- 

143. Sk. Vai. Ven. M. 27. 5-7. 

144. ibid- 40. 7. 

145. Tïrth. 508. 

146. Sk. Ava. Rêva. 4. 45-49. 

147. Geog. Die. 35. 

148. Sk. Ava. Rêva. 6. 41-42. 

149. ibid. Verse 39. 

150. ibid. 6.40. 

151. Geog. Die, 38. 

152. Mbh. Adi.ch. 179. 

153. Sk. Vai, Ven M. 1.95-96. 



92 S.V. UNIVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

rumcôîaîA» According to the TirthMka it is an old ksetra twelve miles 
north to Madura. Locally it is known as "alaghar-koÛ". Yamadharma- 
raja is said to hâve observed penance for Mahâvisnu in the form of 
a bull and the God was pleased with him. Since then it was called 
vrsabhâdri. Vide vehkaiacaîa also. 

Vysghrapada : It is a river which is associated with the con- 
fluence of vef and suvarnamukharlA" The famous tirtfia known as 
sankhatirtha is said to be situated on the bank of this river 



154. Tîrthànfca, page 38«. 

155. Sk. Vai. Ven. M. 34. 37-42. 



SRI MITHILESH CHATURVEDI 

KAKATALIYA - A GRAMMATICAL 
ANALYSIS BY BHARTRHARI 

The Sanskrit word kakaîatlya is used to indicate a sudden and 
unexpected coincidence,* whether welcome or unwelcome.^ Rhetori- 
cians like Appayyadiksita and Jagannâthapandita cite the word as an 
example of luptopamaJ^ It is derived from the rule samasac ca tadvisay^t 
{Panîni sutra 5. 3, 106) which says that the suffix cha is added to a 
compound having 'that' (i.e.; iva) as its sphère. Bhoja makes his suîra 
more explicit by adding the word âkasmike to it.* The word is quite 
famous in Sanskrit literature and has been taken up by Bhartrhari for 
explaining the sûtra 5. 3. 106.^ 

Patanjali has raised the question regarding the interprétation of 
the word tad in the rule 5. 3. 106. Surely a pronoun must point at that 

1. (a) For the interprétation and various illustrations, see V.S, Apte; Sanskrit- 

English Dictionary, voL 3, App. E . Poona 1959; G. A. Jacob : A Handful of 
Popular Maxims, Bombay, 1925, 
(b) atarkitopanatatmm dtrïkaranam ucyate kâéîks (K) 5.3.74. p. 313, Prachya 
Bharati Series-5, Varanasi, 1967. 

2. upameyavâcakatatpadasamabhîvyahârena kadScît kâkarmrane kadâcit krtopa- 
bhoge laksanâ. 

Nâgesa's Uddyota (NU) on Mahâbhasya (MB) 5. 3. 106. p, 404, Nirnaya Sagar 
Press, Bombay. 

3. upamânamâtravâcakâbhâvSc cedrâe vîsaye upamànalopavyavahâra âlahkârh 
kanâm, NU, ibid. 

See also, Kuvalayanmda of Appayyadiksita (Kuv,), PP. 7-9. Nirnaya Sagar 
i>ress. Bombay, 1947; RamgmgMhara (R G.), p. 242, Chowkbamba, 1955. 

4. Sarasmtïkanthâbfmrana (SKA) 5. 3. 141, pt, 4, Trivendnim Sanskrit Séries, 
1 54, Trivendrum, 194S. 

5. kakatâliyam îty atra prasïddham hyupalaksanam^ Vâkyapadïya (VP). 3 
Vrttisamudâeéa (Vr). 606. University of Travancore Sanskrit Séries 148, 
Trivendrum, 1942. 



94 S«V. UNÎVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

wfiich is prîmary.^ The compound, hère, is secondary since it forms a 
base for the addition of the suffix. The sensé of iva too, which runs 
from the siltra îve praîfkrtau (5. 3. %)^ is secondary towards the addition 
of cha- So the answer is : By the word îad, cha is meant- But this is 
incorrect since cha is yet to be added, and before it is added, how can 
the compound be called as being conditioned by h r 

One might say that the expression chavîsayat is correct with 
référence to the future state of the compîex formation. It means that 
cha is added to a compound which is not formed except where cha is 
added. But even then, it is not clear as to which compound cha is to 
be added, Whether it is to be added to the compounds like rajàsva 
(kinglike horse), or some other word, is yet undecided. And before it is 
added, a word could not get the compound-designation. A sufBx which 
is aîready estabîished, may qualify the base in a différent opération, as, 
for instance, in the sUtra 5.3.30, where the suffix atasuc having been 
aîready added by the rule 5. 3. 28, is taken as a condition for the appli- 
cation ofsixth case-afiîx. But so long as the suffix has not established 
itself, it cannot function as a qualifier to its own base.^ 

Ifso, then the fi/a-sense though secondary, raust be understood 
by the word tad. But when the /m-sense has aîready been conveyed by 
the compound, the addition of cha in the sensé of fv^ would be super- 
fluous. îfit be said that the suffix must be added because it has been 
enjoined by a rule (vacanasâmarîhya), then it could be added even to 
such compounds as sasîrîsyama because the sensc of îva is there.^ 

Therefore Bhartrhari says that the meaning in such cases is 
conditioned by two Iva - sensés. The stem (i.c., the compound) is con- 

6, (a) tad îîy mena kîm pratmirdiàyate, chah, MB. 5. 3. 106, p. 404. 

(b) chasya vidheyatayâ pmdhdnyena tasyaiva parSmario yukta ity abhimmah, 
NU. ibid. 

7- cMpeksâ tadvisayam vidkeyaitSn na gamyate, VP. 3. Vr. 606. 

8, (a) râjâàmdîi cha vimyc^ syâd unyo veîy aniicUam / 

tena chasya vîdkânât prâg ryapadeso na vîdyate // ibid 607, 
(b) tadvisayâd ity anem chwsayah samàso 'vîsesenopâdïyamdnah sarvo riïjâê^ 
vâdîh prasîddkû ndhësyamânah chaprakrtUvàd eva chavisayô 'nyo va pra- 
kammtarem sambhâvyamânas chavisayô grhyetety etâvan nâ vadharitam .. .. 
itthanca sarmsyaiva samâsasya prakrtitvopapattau kim anena viéesanona 

ryavacchidyeta ..., na ta svayam alabdhâtmal3bhah svanîmittasyaiva 

niesmam yuktam, Heîamja's Prakïrnaprakëéa (HP), ibid. p. 264. 

9. (a) athammmda^^^^ ^^^^ èastrîhâmâder api samâsad 

imftkabhidhayakac chapratyayah syât, ibid, p. 265. 

Cb) mcammmarth^^^ ced éastrlêyâmâdibhya Hiprasahgah^ Kaiyata^s PradXpa 
(KP), 5. 3. i06, p. 26>. 



KÂKATALlYA-A GRAMMATICAL ANALYSÎS 95 

nected with one and the sufBx with the other.^^^ The meanîng is caused 
by both the iva - sensés in a combina tion, each of them quaiifying the 
other. This excludes the compounds like sastnsyamâ or rajâsva etc., 
for two reasons. In sasîrîsyâma devadatm (knife-biack Devadatîâ) the 
îipameya, i.e,, Devadatta, is not included in the sensé of the compound. 
So just as Devadatta is compared with sastrî (knife) which is famous 
for îts black quality, somebody else aiso may be compared. So 
the upameya Devadatta cannot again fonction as an upamana as far 
as blackness is concerned. So it does not condition the upamàna. For 
instance, if we want to compare the blackness of Yajnadattâ with 
something else, we need not say iasfrisyâma (devadatîâ) iva yajnadaîtà^ 
because as far as blackness is concerned, sastrî itseif is a suitable 
upamana and the use of Devadatta is superfluousJ^ But in kâkaralîya, 
the upamana kdkatâla itseîf functions as an upameya and it becomes an 
upamana towards a second upameya, namely, killing etc. That's why 
two îva ~ sensés are expîained hère. Thus the Kasika vritî says that the 
snffix cha is added in a second zV^r-sense to a compound which bas iva 
as its sphère ^'^ In the second place, in sasirîsyâma etc., only one 
member of the compound is conditioned by the iva ~ sensé, while in 
kakatâkya the compound-whole is quaiified by zv^-sense/^ 

What are the two iva - sensés referred to above? They hâve been 
expîained by Pataîîjali and Bhartrhari, In Kâkatâîîya, xhtv^orà kaka 
(crow) dénotes the arrivai of crow and tâla (palm-nut) dénotes the fall 
of the palm-nut. The arrivai of the crow stands for the arrivai of some- 
body else, Caitra, for instance. The faiî of the paîm-nut stands for 
the assault by the bandits. The comraon propertyhere is the unexpected 
incident. This comparison is expressed by the compound. At their 

10. dvayor ivârthayor arthanimittaîvam pratïyate j 
ekenavayavo yuktah pratyayo 'nyena yujyaîe II 
VP. 3. Vr. 608. 

11. (a) éastrïé yâmety atra punah prasiddhasyâmagunayâ yathd. sastryâ devadatîâ 

upamïyate, tathâ *nyëpîîî devadatfâ * khyempamânasyàprayojamtvâd eka 
îvârthah, HP. ibid. 
(b) yady api éastryupamîîa devadatîasyanyatropamanaîvam vakîum êakyam tatra 
yadi éyâmatvenaiva sïïdrêyam tarhî éastrléyâma-padaprayogenaiva siddhau 
îtaravaiyarthyam^ dharmântarena tu sâdrsyam na praîïyata iti bhavah, NU. 
5. 3. 106, p. 4j4. 

12. ivârthavisayât samâsad aparasmînn ivarîhe eva chah pratyayo bhavaîi, 
K. 5- 3. i06, p.3B. 

13. (Si) na hy atra samâsa ivârthe vartate. kîm tafhiJ pûrvapadam utîarapadarn 

va éastriva éyâmâ, 'piiruso yam vyâghra iveti, Nyâsa on K: ibid. 
(b) kîm ca tadnsayâd ity asyevârthavisayàt sarvmayavakâd ity anhah. éasfrU 
Éyameîyâdau pmvapadam emrthavlsayam iti na dosah, NU. 5. 3 106. p. 404. 



96 S.V. UNIVERSÏTY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

meeting, an action îike kiliiîîg or enjoying^^ naturally cornes to our 
mînd.^5 Whea we wmt to compare with iî something, then îhe^suffix 
cha is intended to be added to dénote an upameya Iike the killing of 

Caitra etc.*^ xhiis the compound itself dénotes the whole process of 

comparison. 

The îdea of two iM-senses is not agreeable to Nârayanadaiida- 
nâtha." According to him, the suffix cha merely reveals the iva sensé 
inhérent in the compound. The reason behind this seems to be tbat cha 
is a svârthika suffix. But Fatamjaii bas already said that there is no 
sensé in adding cha m the sensé of iva, which is already expressed by 
the compoundjs The later writers hâve generally foUowed the analy- 
sis gîven by Pataijali and Bhartrhari.^^ 

14. et yaîtayâ meîanam taira îâbho me y as ca îadraîeh / 
îadeîat kâkatâîiyam avîîarkitasambhavam II 

ubhayaîro pameyam svasya kvacidgamanam taîraîva rahasi tanvyâ avasthânam 
ca, îena svasya tasyâs ca samâgamah kâkatalasamâgamasadrÈah îtî phalatî 
.. .,„jatkâ ca patanadalltam tâîaphalam yaîhâ kâkenopabhukîam, evam raho 
darèanaksubhita hrdayâ îanvîsvenopabhukîâ itî tadarthah iKnv, pp. 7-8. 

15. simâgamasya tâdrjaknyâdvayâbhînnatvenoktayuktyâ îasyokîârtha eva parya- 
vasmam, Alhakaracandrikâ on Kuv, p, 9. 

16. ^a) caîîrasya îaîrQgamanam kakasya gamanam y a thaï 

dasyor abhînipâtas tu tâlasya patanam yaîhajj 

samnîpâte tayor y m y a kriya tatropajâyaîe! 

vadhâdîr upame ye'rthe tayâ chavidhir isyatej I VP. 3. Vr. 609-610. 

cf. kâkâgamanam iva kâkatâlam, kâkatâlam ha kâkatâîiyam^ MB. 5.3. 
106, p. 404. 
(b) *'The upamâna is obtained from kâkatâia, namely, tâlena yathâ kâkasya 
vadhah: *just Iike killing of the crow takes place by the palm-nut.' The 
upameya îs obtained from kâkatâïîyam, namely, dasyunâ tathâ caitrasya 
vadhah : *so also kîllng of Caitra takes place by a bandit.* The upamâna 
action is incomplète, unless we shown an upameya action. This îatter is 
indicated by cha.'* S.D. Joshi, Vyâkarana Mahsbhâsya, Avyayîbhâvatat- 
purusâhnika {klA), f.n. 253; Publications of the CASS, Class C, no. 5, 
Poona» 1969. 

n. tadîty anenaîvïïrthavîsayas taddhitonirdiéyate tadvîsaya yah samâsah 'kâkatâ- 
iâdaya imrthe' (3. 2. 5) Ui vihitas tasmQd harthe dyotye âkasmikavisaye 

chapratyayo bhavati anye tv ivârîhavisayâî samSsâd aparasmînn ivarthe 

pratyayam icckanti. Erdayahâriifî comm. on SKAV. 3. 141, p. 110. 

18. yadi tarhi samâso ' pïvârthe pratyayo ' pU samâsenoktatvât pratyayo naprâpnotî, 
MB. 5. 3. 106, p. 404, 

19. cf. kâkasyngamanam yâdrcchikam, tâlasya patanam ca, tena tâlena patata 

kâkasya vadhah krtah, evam eva devadattasya tatrâgamanam, dasyûnam 
copanîpëîah, tasca tasya vadhah krtah. tatra yo devadatta'syadosyûnàm 
ca samâgamah, sa kâkatâiasamâgamasadrsa if y eka upamârthah. ataâ 
ca devadattasya vadhah, sa kâkatâiasamâgamasadrsa iti dvltïya upamâr- 
thah, tatra prathamo samâsahy dvitïyo pratyayah 
K. 5.3. 106. pp. 313-314. 
cf. also KP, MB. 5.3. 106, p. 404, Siddhânta^kaumudî. 



KÂKATÂLÏVA-A GRAMMATICAL ANALYSIS 97 

But there, in îhe compound kakatala, the two constituents kaka 
and talahdiVQ no connection between themselves. Unless a connection is 
establishsd the compounding cannot take place in the absence oï samor- 
îhya : 'semantic connection'. For, wilhout being mutually connected, 
they cannot convey an integrated meaning. Bhartrhari replies to this 
objection by saying that the substantive word hère dénotes îhe action 
associated with il So Xht words kâka and tctla dénote the arrivai of 
the crow and fali of the paim~nut respectively ^^ This associated action 
is understood from the intégration (vf//f). Elsewhere also, it is seen in 
this way, as, for instance, in dadhyodanah, gudadhânah etc.^i 

But even when the actions hâve been thus understood, what 
relation do they bring between the two constituents. Helâraja says that 
the action being understood in this way, the two words function as 
upamanas of each other. The fall of the palm-nut is unexpected like the 
arrivai of the crow and the arrivai ofcrow is unexpected like the fall 
of the palm-nut. Thus the two being î^p^^w^wa^ towards each other, 
connection between them is established and the compound becomes 
possible. 22 



But, it is not intelligible how the words kaka and tala function 
as upamanas of each other when at the same tinie they stand as the 
upamanas for the arrivai of Caitra and the assault by the bandits. 
I^jàgesa, however, puts it in a différent manner. In his JJddyota he says 
that the words kâka and fdla dénote, by implication, kàkâgamana- 
sadrsa (Uke the arrivai of the crowj and tdlapatanasadrsa (like the fall 
of tliô palm-nut) and the two are connected because of the ^-âmâ/iâfl^Af- 
karanya reîation.23 Probably he assumes laksanâ hère, under the influ- 
ence of rhetoricians. Earlîer, Panditaràja Jagannâtha has also said that 
the words kâka and îâla dénote, by laksana the arrivai of the crow and 
the fall of the palm-nut-^"^ In his Brhacchabdendusekhara, however, 



20. kriyZyom samavetâyZm dravyaéabdo 'vaiisthate / 

pâiâgamanayjh kâkatâlaéabdau tathâ sîhitau II VP. 3. Vr. 611. 

21. P. 2. 1. 34.35, Vt. 7 and 8; also S.D. Joshi, ATA, intro. pp. xxii-Kxiv. 

22. tatas cayam atrârthah - kâkâgamanam îvâtarkitopasamprâptau idam tâlapata- 
nom tclapatanam iva cStarkitapasamprâptam idam kâksigamanam iti paras paro^ 
pamânena pûrvoîtarapaddrthayoh samamayopapaît au pratyayârîhavîs^.sanato-- 
papattïh, H P. 3 Vr. 611. p. 266* 

23- atra pûrvotîarapadayoh kâkâgamanasadréatâîapatanasadrêayor laksanâ, 
nâ mânZdhikaranyena ca taàarthayor anvayah, NU. 5.3. 106 p". 4C4- 

24. atra klkatâlasabdayor laksana yâ kâkâgamanatZlapatanabodhakayor iva r the 
'samZsâc ca tadvisayâî' iti jmpakat samase kâka iva tâla iva kâkatâlom iti 
kâkaîZlasamâgamasadrJaé coranâmasya ca samâgama ity arîhah, KG, 2, p. 242. 



98 S.V. UNIVERSÏTY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

Nâgesa says that this meaning is îhe outcome of tlie intégration, 25 
Nâgesa's explanation appears more convincing and is in confirmity with 
the analytical sentence kakâgamanamlva tâlapaîanamïva kakaiâlam, 
given by PaîaBJali. 

But why, in the very beginning, the killing of Caitra by the ban- 
dits is not compared to the killing of the crow by paim-nut? This coni- 
parison only, is finally inîended. What is the need of postulating the 
combina tiens of kâka and îaia through ihe secondary formations of 
kâkagamana and lalapatana? Bhartrhari says that such an analysis is 
assumed only for grammatical explanation. The sentence in actual 
usage is never found in this raanner.^^ The whole process of comparison 
which is inhérent in îhe compound itself is explained by assuming an 
iV^-sense in the compound. 2*7 Under kârfkct 607, HelSrâja says that the 
one fu^-sense has two différent fonctions hère. In the compound it 
shows thât the con^^tituents kâka and îala which express the upamànas^ 
themselves function d.% upmeyas'^'^ In the suASk it serves to reveal a 
comparison between the killing ofthe crow and that of Caitra.^^ But 
the same meaning cannot hâve two différent fonctions according to the 
maxim 'sabdabuddhlkarmanam vîramya vyapârâbhâvah' That's why the 
two fva-senses hâve been postulated. This is only a means to analyse 
the Word into the base and suffix which is the main function ofgram- 
mar ^o The commentary Alamkâracandnka on Kuv. says that there are 
the pecuîiar ways of explaining the derivational process invented by tue 
science of grammar on the basis of experience.^^ 

25. taira piirvapadam kâkâgamasadrsaparam, uttarapadam ca kâkâgamanasamâ- 
n^dhikaranatâlapatanasadréaparam^ îayos ca sâmânâdhîkaranyam sambandhah. 
kâkâgamanasadrêasamânâdidkaranam, kakâgamanasamânâdhikaranatûlapata- 
nasadriam ÎU samâsârthah. ekârthibhâva balâcca vrttâv etadarthaîâbhah. eîena 
pûrvotîarapadârthayoh asâmarthyât samâsa durîabha îty apâstam^ 

Brhacchabdenduéekhara^ vol. 2, 
p. 1525, Varajiad 1960. 

26. yad anvâkhyâyakam vâkyam tad evam parîkaîpyate / 
prayogavakyam y al loke tad evam na prayujyate // VP. 3. Vr. 6î2. 

27. vîiistopamâyâm visesanopamâgativat samâga mopamâyôm api tadavayavakriya-- 
yoryathâ yogam gamyamânam upamâm abhîpretya mahâbhâsyakrtâ iâdrsa- 
vigrahapranayanam ity âsayah, Aiamkaracandrikâ on Kuv. p. 9. 

28. cf upamânaéabdasyaivopameyavrtîitvâd— , KP. 2.Î.3. 

29. sarvanâmapratyavamarsasâmarthySd îvârthasyâîra dvau vyâparau sampadyete, 
tenaîkena vyâpârenevârthah somâsasya vacchedako * parena pratyayavâcyo 
jâyate, HP, 3. Vr. 607, p. 264. 

30. Ihaprakrtipratyayavibkâgava^emnvâkhyânam îti prakriyâvdkyam anena prakâ- 
rena samanvitârthapadam sampadyate, HP. ibid. 612, p* 266. 

31. na ca sakrduccârîtâbhyâm kâkatâlapadabhyâm katham upamâna dmyâvagama 
in vâcyam. aaubhavânmûryanuéâsanena vyuî pattivaicitryasya sphutam prati- 
pat ter îti. kuv. p. 8. 



KÂKATÂLÏYA-A GRAMMATICAL ANALYSÎS 99 

The compound kâkaiâla is oever used as a separate word in the 
sentence, It always occors as a boaiid form with cha, Perhaps for îhis 
reason Pânini does not make a separate rule for the formation of thîs 
compound. It is formed by this very rule,^^ Bhoja makes a separate 
rule for the formation of the compound kâkatâla,^^ but this is not pro- 
per because the compound is never used independently. 

The fva-sense in the compound is assumed for explaining the 
unexpected coïncidence, e.g., arrivai of tiie crow and thefallofthe 
palm-nut, The words A:âA:a and /a/6 cannot explain it by themseives* 
This sease cornes out froai the intégration. This bas been further 
explained by Bhartrhari. 

The intégration (viz., the addition of cha) is taught from the 
compound-stem m the sensé of those two whose meeting appears like 
that of the crow and the pahn-nut. In the sensé of another upameya 
cha is int^ndûé to be employed, when that whose kiiling by a bandit, 
like that of tho crow by the palm-nut, is intended to be expressed in a 
picturesque form Similariy soraething else which takes place in the 
wake ofsom^thiiig unexpectedly and is surprising is indicaied by ihe 
Word kâkaîsllya?^ 

Oiier exampîes of this type are ajakrpânîyaen, andhakavartikîyam, 
khalatîbilvîyam etc. A word raghukautsiyom has been eoined by Bhatta 
DevaSincarapjrohita (ad. 1765 ) on the analogy of the word kaka- 
mliya, Thi. is based on Raghu's suddenly meeting Kautsa and his 
extrême lib^rality with which Kautsa was benefîtted.^'» 

32. (i) atrâpi yenaî^âvayavakâ^yam pratyayotputtih kriyate tenaiva samudâya- 

kâryiJjn samâsa sarnjm bhavisyatiy M B. 2. î. 3. 

(b) ivdrthe kâkatâlâdyZh samâsâ syur ami îti / 

J noya te tena y o gêna pratyayaé ca vidhîyate / / 
Prakriyâkau:mdî - ^rasâda, p. 937, éd. by K.P. Trivedi, Bombay Sanskrit and 
Praknt Séries 28, 1925. 

33. Kûkaîûlâdaya îvârthe, SKA. 3.2.5. 

34 (a) yayor aîarkitiï prâptir dréyate kâkatâlavat I 

ta y oh samâsaprakrter vrttir abhyupagamyate j / 
kakàsya tslena yathâ vadho yasya tu dasyunâ j 

tatra citrJkrte 'nyasminn upameye cha isyate , j VP. 3. Vrtti. 613~-6I4, 

(h) yathâ tslena ksko yadrcchayS hâtas tathS yad aparam asamîkîtam 

â.fcaryahhûtamjSyate, tat kâkatSUyam ucyate. HP. ibîd. 614. 

35. sahgo rsghavabhûpsna dhanaîâbho *titheé ca yah j 
tad etad raghukauts'iyam amrjànandadam nrmm / / 
atra raghukautsïyam ity asyakâkatâlïyam, 
ajàkrpâniyam ity âdivan nispaîiih 

AUmkâramaîijûsâ, p. 8, éd. by Sadashiva Laksbmidhjra Katre. SjindiaOrîeBial 
S.rks 1, Ujjain, 1940. 



Prof. V. PERUMAL 

THE TAMIL SOCIETY OF THE SANGAM AGE 



i. Introduction 

It is an acknowledged fact that the Tamil society is noted for its 
hîgh antiquity, The historical, linguîstic, archeological, îiterary, 
numismatic and other évidences corroborate beyond a shadow of doubt 
thehigh antiquity of the Tamil society and its many-sided excellence. 
The very fact that there are 260 références (16% of the total aphorisms) 
to ancient literatures in Toïkappiam, confirms in an unambiguous langu- 
age the existence of great Iiterary trcatises on various branches of 
knowledge. Unfortunately aîl thèse literatures hâve been lost. The 
ancient Tamil literature known as the Sangam literature consists of 
Tolkappîam (grammar), Pattuppmtu (ten idylls) EUutîogaî (eight antholo- 
gies), Tîrukkural (ethics), Silappatikaram and Manîmekalai (twin epics). 
On the basis of the various relevant évidences available, the Sangam 
literature can be assigned to the period ranging from 500 b.c. to A.D, 
200. This period is generally known as the Sangam Age as the Tamil 
Sangam (academy) which was patronised by the Pandyan kings at Madu- 
rai has played a very significant rôle in the Iiterary and cultural fields of 
Tamilnadu. The sangam literature besides throwing an appréciable 
flood of light on différent branches of knowledge rcflects each and every 
aspect of the Tamil society. The ancient Tamilians dîstinguished 
themselves in various healthy activities and led a very useful life of 
a high order. A deep analysis of the Sangam literature and other 
relevant sources and records reveals the fact that the ancient Tamil 
society was in a very advance state of culture. It was a society of 
well-balanced development in titanic proportions. The great encomi- 
ums paid to ancient Tamiinadu by foreign personalities are not hyper- 
bolical in character but nakcd truths. An attempt is made in this paper 
to study analytically the Tamil society of the Sangam Age. 



102 S.V. UNIVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

2. Lneraîure 

The Tolkappiam is not only a grammar in the ordinary sensé of 
the term but a gréât treatise which deals with almost ail the aspects^of 
îîiimaîî activity, Toîkâppiar lias clarifiée each and every point with 
logicai précision aod aphoristîc brevity. For instance, he points out 
îhat one can iegitimaîely feel proud owing to four reasoos namely, 
learning, valeur, famé and charity. The Tolkappiam is the grammatical 
and liierary charter, serving as a beacon iight throughout the âges of 
literary history of Tamiinadu. The Pattuppattu describes every aspect of 
the Tamil society in a picturesque language. Tbe eight anthologies 
{Efiimogai) were compiled ànd classified on the basis of mètre, lengtli 
and subject matter. ït is needless to mention thaï the classiiicatiou 
was done in an apple-pie order according to the principles of îogical 
division. Among the eight anthologies Nairinai, Kuruntogai, Ainkurunïlru, 
KalUtogai aod Agananûru are amf^tory poetry. Purananûru roainîy deals 
with warfare, state craft, charity and ethics. Patittruppattn gives an 
accouBtof theCerakingsand throws a îight in fixing the chronologicai 
position of the ancient Cera monarchs. Parîpadaî is a miscellany which 
deals with love, religion and nature. Tiruvalluvar bas given the quin- 
tessence of advanced wisdom in his immortal ethics, TîrukkuraL Sllappati- 
ksram, a dramatic epic (tragedy) and Manimekalaî, a religions epic are 
treated as twin epics. The former bas a great appeal as "our sv^eetest 
songs are those whicii teîî of saddest thoiight" (Shelîey). The Saiigam 
literature is a mirror which reflects ail the aspects of the ancient Tamil 
Society. The Sangam poets. who were about 500 in number, touched 
every branch of knowledge, Beaaty of expression, clarity of thought, 
brevity in diction, inteîligibility of thème, subîimity of idea, nobility in 
purpose, effectiveness of appeal, catholicity of character and universality 
of outlook are the spécial characteristics of Sangam literature. It is 
almost free from Sanskrit words, hybrid style, pedantic phrase and 
fantastic imagination. The Sangam poets sincerely considered Nature 
as their teacher, They received inspiration from Nature and described 
her beauty in a mellifiuous language with aesthetic excellence, 

5. Education 

From time immémorial éducation is considered to be the infallible 

wealth. The very fact that Tiruvalluvar, who was very brief in his 
treatment, has alîotted many chapters dealing with varions aspects 
of ediiCâîîon, corroborâtes the sublime values of éducation Tiruvalluvar 
has dîvîded the entire faculties into two main divisions namely, arts 
aed sciences. Mathematics - the queen of sciences, and letters -~ the 
basis of arts the two faculties pointed out by Tiruvalluvar, He has 
indicatei m an uncrring language the universality of 'éducation. In 
ollier words, mathematics and letters are the two eyes for each and 
every haman b^ing under the sun. 



THE TAMÎL SOCIETY OF THE SANGAM AGE 103 

The îearned author has indicated brîefly but very cîearly the 
variou5 aims of éducation. Knowledge aim,^ social aim,2 moral 
aim,3 philosophical aim,"^ spiritual aim,^ culturel aim^ and living 
aim"^ are some of the important aims of éducation dealt with in the 
TirukkuraL According to Tiruvalluvar, teaching has four stages 
namely, feeling the puise of the sîudcnts, grasping the subject to be 
taughCj simplifying the subject and appealing and inspiring présenta- 
tion 8 To ail intents and purposes an uneducated man is not better 
than animai. 5 iolkâppiar mentions gênerai éducation and technical 
éducation in one of the aphorisms of his ToIkappiainJ^ 

Pândyan Neduîicezian, the king-poet^ gives a vivid pen portrait 
of the glory of Icarning. He says that an educated man, however low 
may be his social position, wiil be respectée even by the ruler of the 
iandji The poets of the Sangara Age bave educated the kings as well 
as the ordinary people. They gave the rulers sound advice on various 
raatters at appropriate occasions and played a remarkable rôle in 
the educational field of ancient Tamilnadu. Teaching was considered 
as the noblest and the most respectable profession. In short, the ancient 
Tamils did not consider éducation as a means to earn bread and butter 
but realized that it was for life, through life and throughout îife. 

4, Society 

Society consists of men, women and children. According to Tamil 
the Word 'man' has various shades of raeaning. Though generally it 
referi to th^ masculine gender among human beings it specially connotes 
a person who has the power of controL Spirituylly speaking man is 
exp:cted to control his sensés and attain spiritual ma^:tery The 
term Vjman' apart from its priaiary meaning, has a spécial conno- 
tation. Tht Word pen which means woman has denved from the root 
'perpu' sigii'.fying 'love', 'désire' etc. The implication is, woman is a 



1. 


KuraK 396. 








2. 


ibid. 140. 








3. 


ibid. 134. 








4, 


ibid. 354. 








5. 


ibid. 2 








6. 


ibid. 997. 








7. 


ibid. 39Î. 








S. 


ibid. 424, 711. 








9- 


ibid 410. 








lO, 


Tolkâppiam, Porulatîkâram ( Kazagam Ëiîtbrt, 
aphorism No. 44. 


Juns 


1953}. 


, ÂgatliEiaiyal 


11. 


Puranânuru 183. 









Î04 S.V. UNIVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

possessor of ail the amicable qualities, and hence she is lovable. Child- 

ren are considered îo be the wealth of the parents and a source of 

enjoymenî.^2 

The ancient Tamiî Society was classified into many divisions. 
The divisions were made not to créa te any disparity or inequality among 
the peopîe but to direct them to embrace différent occupations for the 
smooth sailing of the society. As a matter of fact, the classification was 
made on the principle of division of labour. The ancient Tamils bave 
realized and recognised the dignity of labour. 

There was perfect social equality between man and woman. în 
certain respects woman was respected to a greater degree. A chaste 
woman was not only paid social respects but viewed with a deep sensé 
of divine vénération. She was placed on a par with God. Kindness 
was considered as a fundamental social affinity and there was a perfect 
harmonious co-existence. Man without social culture was placed among 
the dead.^3 'Divine and consume' was the social ethics envisaged and 
actaaiised by the Tamils of the Sangam Age.^-* The temples served the 
purpose of social institutions and peopîe assembled and mixed with each 
other with perfect social liberty, equality and fraternity. The purpose 
of friendship is to help each other says Tiruvaliuvar. Give and take 
policy was considered as one of the main social principles on which 
smooth social intercourse could be made. Unity in diversity and social 
cathoiicity arc the spécial features of the Sangam Age. 

5 . Matrîmony 

Marria^e was considered as a sacred rite of the union of two 
hearts. Matrimonial process had two stages namely, pre marital and 
post marital, and sanctity was maintained throughout the process. 
There was CDmplete identification of husband and wife in their waîk of 
life. The purpose of marriage is not only to enjoy sensuai pleasure but 
also to do charity with a deep sensé of feliow feeîing.^^ Woman was 
given the highest place in society in gênerai and at home in particular. 
TheTamil word îlîal [il+âl) which ordinarily raeans wife has a spécial 
connotation. The word can be split convenîently into two distinct units 
namely HF and "aV meaning thereby the ruler of the home. So, it is 
crystai clear that the wife was not only treated as a partner of the man 
but the ruler of the home and the beiter half in the real sensé of the 

12. Kuraî 61, 65, 6Si puraoaaurii ÎSS. 

13. Ibid. 214. 
Î4. Puram 161. 

15. KiîFuntogai 63; K'iraî 81. 



THE TAMfL SOCIETY OF THE SANGAM AGE 105 

term. The love experienced by the married couple was not a lust of sen- 
sual craving but a tender feeling of a high order. Tiruval|avar bas 
rightiy pointed out, that such a love is more tender than the flower.^^ 

Various aspects of harmony between husband and wife were indicated 
by Tolkippiar. 

Monogamy was the only moral code accepted by the society.^*^ 
Though prostitution existed it was looked upon with contempt by every 
cultured Tamilian,^^ The marriage functions celebrated during the earlier 
stage of the Sangam Age were practically free from Âryan influence. ^^ 
It wilî be noticed that in this ancient Tamil rite of marriage there is 
absolutely nothing Âryan, no lighting of fîre, no circumambulation of 
fire and no priest to receive daksîna*^^. The Matrimonial union was very 
natural which was based on mutual understanding, mutuai consent, 
mutual help and mutual îove. 

6. Morality 

Morality was considered as the foundation stone on which the 
entire human virtues were based. Though the Sangam literatures (except 
Kural) are not ethical in character, they hâve moral viewand hâve the 
force to inculcate moral sensé among the readers. Morality is the right 
conduct in conformity with ail virtues As morality makes a man great, 
it is hi$ duty to maintain a very high moral standard, Maintaining 
morality is more important than preserving lîfe.21 Morality as envi- 
sagée by the Sangam poets has a deeper significance than it is gênera lly 
understood. Even the thinking of cvil thought was considered a serious 
moral offence. Morality is not only a code of behaviour but also a code 
of life. It is a virtuc among virtues and cmbraces al! the sublime ethi- 
cal maxims. The sensé of gratitude was considered as an essential 
quality that should be possessed by every cultured man on the globe and 
ingratitude was not only a mère immoral act but an unpardonable sin.22 
The term morality which was delSned logically and understood precisely 
by the ancient Tamil savants has a trîpartite connotation namely purity 
of thought, Word and deed. In short, according to the Sangam lîte- 
rature, morality is not only a view of life but a way of life. 

16. Kural 1289. 

17. ibid. 1315; Kuruntogai 49. 

18. Puranânûru 73. 

19 . Aganànûru 86, 136. 

20. Sce. P.T. Srinivasa lyengar, Eîstory of Tamîls p»30. 

21. Kural 131. 

22. ibid. 110; Puranânûru 34. 



106 S.V. UNIVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

7. Religion 

Ail the literary works of the Sangam Age déclare in an unambi- 
guoi's ianguage that Tamilians had a strong faith in the existence of the 
Almighty. Though the Almighty was mentioned by différent names and 
attnbutes, the ancient Tamils embraced monotheism. The Almighty 
was descnbed as an embodiment of ail the noble virtues.23 Though 
there were many temples of deitics, they believed that there is onJy one 
ultimate reality i.e., the ail pervading God. This is corroborated by 
t^ie tact that the Almighty was always mentioned in the singular. 
Panpsdal gives a flash of light on temples. People congregated at 

H^? ïo-^ Vt5^^' *° ^"J'°^ P^^" °^ "'"'i ^°d spiritual pleasure. They 
1 NOT BEG, BUT PRAYED GOD. They did not pray God for 

rTJT. ""' ^"^ ^'' '^^"'"^ S^^'^^-'" ^'"«"g the various religious 

mes that were m vogue, the practice of virgins taking bath in the early 
mormng dunng the cold season in the month of mârgazhî (December- 
t^r^ll ^T^"LT"'f °^'°''°"- ^' ^^^ Popularly IcnowB as 

Dhv?c«l .f r '''^'"' *° """'° " harmonious development of 

anc^nt WT H°T'' "l'"'"! P""'*^ '""^ ^P'"*"^^ sublimation - The 
ancient Tamds beheved m the cycle of birth and death and the resuit of 

h.H J'^"'""'""f ^"PPadai clarifies beyond a shadow of doubt that thev 
could fJT" ?J"' r^'^' ^'''^ ^''''''''' ^^°«« as a resuit of 4hich they 

?n sl^ a nafurir:;^ 'T' '''''"' '''''''' °^*^^ ''^'^ -^ xnoumaLs 
m sucù a natural and pleasant atmosphère which was far froir. th^ 

ancient Tamils X^ever mtht hl / ^^'°'' "^^''^ ""'' embraced by the 
rational in cha;acter ' "' "''"'' ^'^ "°^""^^^ ^° ^PP^^' -"<i 

^. Culture 

T^r.ullTl.::Z: stli: ^^^^P -cotation and wide denotation. 

ethical, wealth-lferid pi sSremoti [ ''T'' "^'"^'''' ^"^- 
Though there is diffe^nce of ol7 °'l'.^"^ salvation-spiritual. 

three, ail the TamT avants «r^' ''^''^^"^ *^^ °^^^^ «^ ^"^^ S"* 
aecessityofthefrltagr SomeoftT' "'"''°^ the existence and 
and enumerated only the fiist ^L , -^""1°* P^'*'" ^^^« mentioned 
the fourth namely. '.^ZV^r.^^^^^^^ *° ""'^-tand 

oft^_^rs.geM^ 

24. Paripadal 5:11; 78-81. 

25. ibid. II. 74-92; Kalittogai 59 



THE TAMIL SOCIETY OF THE SANGAM AGE 107 

witîi each other and train the peopie to achieve a welî-balanced develop- 

ment of their faculties. St. Pavanandi, arenowned grammarian of the 

I3th century, bas clarified in an unambiguous languagc that the purpose 

of learning is to acquire virtue, weaîth, pleasure and salvation. A 

culture which advocates onîy materialism cannot uplift humanity A 

culture that advocates only spiritualism wilî prove a Utopian philosophy 

and be useless for alî practical purposes. ît is a matter of delight to 

note that the Tamil culture is a harmonious synthesis of materialism 

and spiritualism. Wealth and pleasure form the material aspect and 

virtue and salvation form the spiritual aspect of the Tamil culture. 

Tiruvaliuvar has hit the right naii on the head by saying that man 

requires wealth and grâce in order to enjoy in the naaterial and spiritual 

world respectively.-^ In short, Tamil culture consists of ail thegood 

qualities which are praclicable in reaîity and noble in outlook. 

9, Athletîcs 

Physical culture is the basic culture. 'A sound mind in a sound 

body' was noî unknown to the ancient Tamils. A deep perusal of the 

Sangam literature will reveaî that the Tamils of yore hâve participated 

in various athletic activities with great interest and profound pleasure 

and improved their physical personality. Well developed physical 

personality was one of the basic qualifications of an ambassador^-^. 

Physical strength coupled with bravery was considered as a hall mark in 

the matrimonial fields. The young man of the sylvan land (mullai) 

had to face the ferocious and strong bull in an organized combat and 

bring it under his control in order to winabride. The sportsman who 

came eut with jSying colours was appreciated and admired by one and 

alL^^ The young man was gcneraîly mentioned by the name 'bulF 

implying thercby he should possess sufïicient strength and man power.^^ 

Apart from the sportsroen of Herculcan muscles, the ancient Tamilnadu 

lias witnessed active and energetic sportswomen who hâve distinguished 

themselves in various athletic activities. They were experts in the art 

of playing bail, swinging, otc, as evidenced from SilappatîkaramJ^^ Men 

and women dived and swam in the fresh waters of the river Vaigai at 

Madurai and enjoyed to their hearts content the kaleidoscopic variety of 

aquatic activities.^^ Hence, it goes without saying that the ancient 

Tamils took active part in various sports and games and improved their 

physical skill, talent and strength and led a long life usefully and 

joyfully. 

26- Kural. 247. 

27. ibid. 684. 

28. Kalittogai 101 to 104. 

29. Purananuru 312. 

30. l^ilappatikâram 29: 20 - 25. 

31. Parîpâdal 10. 71-88, 



108 S.V. UNIVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

10, Milltary 

While enumerating the six state agencies, army was given the 
first place.32 It is a well-known truth that army alone can défend the 
country from foreign aggression, and maintain peace in the land and 
uphold the national prestige. Courage coupled with patriotism was the 
basîc qualification of a soldier. Physical strcngth was considered as an 
additional qualification. ît is an acknowledged psychological truth, 
wherethereisawill, thereis away. Akeenperosal of the military science 
reavealed in the Saâgam literature discloscs the fact that mental apti- 
tude was given a higher priority than the physical fitness at the time of 
recniiîment. Every effort was made to maintain the qnality of the army. 
ïn other words, the army consisting of a few but the best men was pre- 
ferred to that of the useiess and huge mob. Such is the military secret 
that has been revealed by Tiruvaijuvar^s The mother always felt 
joyous and proud when she heard that her son fought the battle with 
martial spirit and valour.^^ jj^g ^çj-y expression mudîn muUai has a 
military connotation which refers to the valeur of women. Though they 
did not go to the battle front, they had the military spirit sprung up from 
their patriotic sentiments. Brave mothers alone can produce brave 
soîdiers. It was considered an unparadonable and serions disgrâce 
to sustain injuries at the back. On the other hand, sustaining injuries 
at the chest, however fatal it might be, was considered a unique honour. 
The battle was fought during the bjoad daylight only by previous 
arrangement and mutual consent. The social feature of the military 
étiquette was that the soîdiers of the opposing army who showed a clean 
pair ofheels were not chased. It was considered a dishonour to chase 
or attack the run-away soîdiers. The soîdiers who fought and sacrificed 
their lives at the battle field were remembered with gratitude. Their 
statues were installed in their memory.35 

U Folity 

The Sangam Age witnessed monarchy. It was neither a tyranni- 
cal monarchy nor an ordinary one but a benevolent and welfare monar- 
chy in the real sensé of the term. Though the ancient Tamilnadu was 
a single nation culturally, therewere three political entitîes namely, 
Cera, Cola and Pindya kingdoms. There were also many chieftains who 
ruledover small tcrritorics under the control ofone or other of the 

J\'^^''^'''\ ^^^ ^'""^ ^""^ mentioned by several names among 
whïch the term kâvajan deserves a spécial analysis. It has two semaii- 
tic umts namely, &â (protect. défend) ^néyalan (able person) mean^ 

32. Kural 381. ~ 

33. îbïd. 763. 

34. Furanâoûni 278. , 

35. Aiàkurimura 352, Kura! 771; PuraiianOni 232, 260, 305, 329. 



THE TAMIL SOCIETY OF THE SANGAM AGE 109 

ing thereby abîe protectoî. Hence, a king was expected îo protect his 

subjects and défend their faitb, virtues, culture etc^ Though the king 

was theunquestionablegubernatorialauthorityof the land, heconsulted 

Ms council of ministers, poets and elder statesmen and took their 

advice on important issues. The very fact that Tiruvalluvar bas devoted 

ten chapters (100 couplets) dealing with varions important aspects of 

ministry, corroborâtes the vital rôle of the council of ministers in the 

government. The ancient Tamil kings ruîed the land with the greatest 

amount of moral resposiblity as evidenced from the words of Ceran 

Cenguttuvan.36 The prosperity and virtues of the land entirely dépend 

upon the righteousness of the government. If a king does not govern 

properly therevenue will diminish and industries will deteriorate.37 The 

two terms found in this couplet namely apayan and aruthozhîlar 

hâve mîsinterpreted by Parimelazhagar. Apayan means source of 

revenue, aruthozhîlar signifies people engagcd in six occupations namely, 

■agriculture, industries, painting, commerce, éducation and sculpture. 

12, Economies 

Wealth was considered as one of the four main entities realized 
hy the ancient Tamils. At the individual level, every man worked hard 
to earn his daily bread and maintained his family. There are many 
instances where the husband or lover went to distant places to earn 
'wealth leaving his better half at home. Man was expected to render 
service and work hardis. Spcnding the ancestor's property was consi- 
dered more shameful than begging.39 The Cola, Pandya and Cera kings 
împrovcd agriculture, pearl-fishery and forest wealth respectively and 
developed the national economy. They levied reasonable tax. They 
did not kill the goose that laid the golden eggs. They were fully aware 
of the fact that they could not încrease the national exchequer by tax 
■alone nor was it désirable. The only way to improve the national eco- 
nomy was to tap new sources and încrease production in every field. 
Though many industries were in vogue the ancient Tamilnadu was based 
on agricultural economy.^*^ Hence it can be said that agriculture is our 
a.ucient occupation which is capable of driving hunger and disease from 
the land. Tiruvalluvar has envisaged such a type of land.^^ The écono- 
mie principles realized by the Tamil savants were based ©n sound 
reason, which can stand the test of time. One should live within one's 
means42, wealth should be earned by righteous means^^^ the purpose of 



36. 


Silappatikâram 25 : 100-104. 


37. 


Kura! 560. 


38- 


Kuruntogai 135. 


39. 


ibid. 283. 


40. 


Kuraî 1032. 


^1. 


ibid. 734. 


42. 


ibid. 478. 


43. 


ibid. 755. 



liO S.V. UNIVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

earning money is noî to iioard but to distribute it for the welfare of the 
pecple"^"^ are some of the main économie principles stressed in Tamil 
literature. The ancient Tamil cities like Pugâr, Madurai, etc., were 
the seats of fabulons weaith- Many poets embraced one occupatiori or 
other and maintained the dignity of labour. îdleness was viewed with 
contemptj and labour, whatever might be its nature, was looked upon 
with great respect. Inequality among various occupations was not felt. 
In short, the économie history of the ancient Tamils can be summed up 
thus:- They worked hard, earned well, spent usefulîy and enjoyed 
life. 

13. Commerce 

It is an acknowledged historical fact that ancient Tamilnadu 
had commercial intercourse with dijBferent countries of the world. 
Exports and imports of various commodities were in full swing. 
Kâverippiïmpattinam was not only a great sea port of the Co}a kingdom 
but aiso an international emporium with a cosmopolitan atmosphère. "^^ 
The Cera country exported pepper to Greece and Rome by ship and in 
return she reccived huilions of gold. Musiri was a sea port of the 
Cera iand, full of commercial activities."^^ Imayavaramban and 
Cenguttuvan improved the foreign trade. Exchange of articles was the 
spécial feature in the field of trade and commerce. For instance paddy,, 
(the produce of the arable Iand) and sait (ofthe littoral tract) were 
exchanged commercially."*^ The famous market at Madurai, the Pandyan 
capital, was planned so perfectly that evcry row was assigned to a 
particular category of commodity. There was a flag with a spécifie 
embïem indicating the articles sold in the shop. There were day markets 
and evening markets in Madurai where ail the articles under the sun 
were sold. The merchants were given moral encouragement in their 
commercial enterprise by the kings. The successfui merchants were 
honoured with the title ettî, They enjoyed récognition from every section 
ofthe societyw The speciality of the trade and commerce of ancient 
Tamilnadu was that each and every code of commercial ethics was 
respected in practical life. Perfcct justice was maintained in every com- 
mercial transaction."^^ Tîruvalluvar has indicated precisely the inevita- 
bility of righteousness in the field of commerce."^^ In fine, commerce 
and trade flourished in such a handsome manner because they were 



44. 


Purananûru 189. 




45. 


Pattinappâlaî 11 : 


: 213-218. 


46. 


Aganânuru 149. 




47. 


îbid. 140. 




48. 


Pattinappalaî 11 : 


206-212, 


49. 


Kura! 12a 





THE TAMIL SOCIETY OF THE SANGAM AGE îlî 

based on perfect virtue and completely free from black-marketing, food 
adultération and other malpractices. This was the only secret for the 
glorious success of the ancient Tamii merchants. 

14, Industries 

The ancient Tamilnadu witnessed various industries which deter- 
mined the économie standard of the country. Small scale cottage 
industries flourished in every village. Varions meta! Works, carpentry, 
weaving, tailoring, leather works, manufacture of variety of instruments 
characterised the indnstrial field of ancient Tamilnadu. Among thèse 
industries, weaving occupied the most outstanding position. In fact, 
weaving was second only to agriculture. The commentary in the 
Silappatikàram throws a flood of light on 36 varieties of cloth manu- 
facturcd in the Sangam Age.^o a iinguistic analysis of ail the words 
referring to cloths will reveal the signifîcant rôle of ancient textiles. 
For instance, tunî, tundu, vëttî, sëlai kdadi, pudavaî, tugihjcûraî^ kalingam, 
vudaî, vudukkaî, vuduppu, âdai, meyppai, caftai, sîlaL pâvâdai, kacaî, kacu, 
angî, iravîkkaî, kôvanam, kandahgî, pâgaiy tirai, mukkadu. tâvanî, nulak- 
kalingam, pôarvaî, veHu, mëtaî, Summadu, padam, mërkatp, irattutîuni, 
kôdi, vuri, parivattam, armai, sirai, ponnâdai, parutti, paftUy panjâdai, 
venpanjâdaî, are some of the terms which connote either the cloth in 
gênerai or a particuiar kind of cloth. Almost ail the above words are 
f ound in the Sangam litcrature. The various similies which are emplo- 
yée in the description of the texture of cloth corroborate beyond a 
shadow of doubt the excellence and fineness of quaiity. Textile 
industries were not the monopoly of men. Women too, took an 
active part in the industries. The women weavers were known as 
parutîîppendîr.^^ There was a particuiar coîony at Madurai which was 
occupied by weavers. It was popularly known as armai vidiJ^ A part 
of Mayavaram (Thanjavur District) is today known as Koranâdu, a 
word derived from kûrai nâdu which means the land of textiles. There 
is another village near Kumbakonam in the same district by the name 
Tu^ili, which is derived from the word tugil, which mcans cloth. Even 
today it proves a small textile centre. Industries in gênerai and textiles 
in particuiar flourished in ancient Tamilnadu. To ail intents and 
purposes textiles (cloth) was placed on a par wîth agriculture (food) .53 
There is every reason to think that in Malaya Tamilians are mentioned 
as kileng, a word that has derived from kalingam (cloth) because the 
ancient Tamilnadu has exported cloths to eastern countries in large 
quantity. 



50- gilappatikaram 14: 106-1Î2 commentary of Adiyârkkunallâr. 

51. Puranânûru 125, 326. 

52. :^ilappatikâram 14:207. 

53. Puranâniâru 189. 



1Î2 S.V. UNIVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

15, Fine Arts 

The Tamil culture was classified into îbree parts namely, litera- 
tiire, îTiiiSîc aod drama (Mutîamizh). It is a unique feature of the Tamil 
culture. The huiîian facuity consists of inîellectual, emoîional and 
physical aspects. They are known as thinking, feeling and willing 
respectîvely. The inteilectual facuîty blossoms into Jiterature, the 
cmotioîial part results inmusic and the physical aspect leads to drama, 
Music and drama corne under the jurisdiction of fine arts. Music, whicà 
occnpies the central position, serves as a harmonious link between 
Htcrature and drama. The word îsai which implies music has a 
significant mcaning. ït means to niake the audience yield. The very 
fact thaï al! the Saiigam literatures are in the form of poetry indicates 
cîearly that the ancient Tamil writers had a musical bent of mind. The 
seHtimcnts as weli as thoughts were expressed through the metrical 
médium. The four main metrical forms namely, venba, agaval, vamjî, 
and kaïïppâ are based on perfect music. There were three main 
catégories of musical instruments namely, wind instrument, string. 
instrument and percussion instrument represented by flûte, lyre and 
drum respectîvely. The unique feature of thèse three words is that 
the spécial letter zh which is pecuîiar to Tamil, is found in every 
Word. Hence, it corroborâtes the high antiquity of Tamil music. The 
Toikappiam and Perisiriyar's commentary throw ample light on the 
technicalities of drama. The èîlappatîkâram, an cpic in tripartite Tamil, 
gives a kaleidoscopic variety of minute détails on music, dan ce, aesthe- 
tics and drama. The canto on arangetiram and the commentaries on it 
form a book of knowledge in fine arts. Painting was one of the fine arts 
which deserves spécial mention. Paripâdaî gives a détail of paintings 
on varions thèmes. The sketch was known as punaya ôvîyam.^^ Apart 
from thèse fine arts, sculpture, embroidery, beauty culture and various 
types of workmanship were in vogue. The varions fine arts that 
flourished proclaim to the world the emotional development and aesthe- 
tic advancement of the Tamils of yore. 

To conclude the Tamil Society of the Sangam Age was perfect 
Irom varions points of view. 



54. Maoîmekalai 16: 131. 



Dr, S G. MOGHE 



ON SULAPÂlsJI-THE INTERPRETER OF 
THE YÀJNAVALKYA-SMRTI 



According to MM. Dr. P.V. Kane, Sûlapâni fiourislied between 
A.D. 1375 and 1460. His earliest work is a commentary ^Dipakalîka on 
tlie Yâjmvalkya-smrti (YS). It is a very brief commentary îhongh the 
author of this commentary quotes about 63 works, as is clear from the 
index given by the learned edîtor J.R* Gharpure, at the end of this 
work. 

In this paper, therefore, 'an attempt is being made to estimate the 
position of Siïlapâni, as the interpréter of the YS, particularly from the 
mimâmsâ point of view, in comparison with the other commentators 
like Vijiianesvara, Visvarûpa, Aparârka, Mitramisra and Nîîakantha, 
the author of the well-known digest published under the head 'Bhaga- 
rantahhaskara\ The following points may be noted in connection 
with Siilapânî as the interpréter of the YS. 

I. Sûlapâni qaotes the PUrva-mimamsâ sûtra ' phalârthatvàt tat' 
VI. 1.4, in the course of his comments^ on the YS. L 1, only once. 
Hère also he does not wish to introduce any hot debate on the mîmamss 
technical point. But it is only incidentaîly that he refersjo the Purva- 
mîmmnsà sutra. Casually it^ may be added hcre that Sulapani never 
introduces the comments of Sabara or Kumârila on the Purva-mïmàms^ 
sûîras of Jaimini, in his brief commentary. In this respect, he stands 
unfavourably corapared with the other commentators like Vijïïânesvara, 
Aparârka and Visvariîpa and Mitramisra. 

" Références are to the édition of the Dîpakalikâ of Sûlapâni on the Yâjnavalkya - 
smrti, published by J.R. Gharpure, under the Dharmasâstra Granthamâlâ 
No. 2^ in 1939. 

1. taiha karmiïny Qhajaîmînih — (6-1-4). 

' phaïart'hatvSLt taV iii. P. 1. 



114 S.Y. UNIVERSITY ORiENTAL JOURNAL 

IL Sûlapâni touches upon those places of îhe YS thaï are left un- 
touched by the master VijSanesvara. în this respect îhe attention of a 
carefui reader cae be invited to the important comments^ of Sûlapâni 
on the YS ÏIL 20 and ÎIÎ 221-26. Hère Sîïlapanï suggests the points of 
vyavasîhîîavikalpa and upalaksanâ, not previousiy suggested by 
Yijiânesvara. Il is also sigoificant to note that the points sufgested by 
our author are not highiy technîcaL 

ÎIL Sometimes. however, Sûlapâni shows complète agreementwith 
Vijîïânesvara on some of the mîmamsa technical points. In fact, he 
tries to copy Vijïïanesvara, by introducing some minor changes in the 
words hère and there. This point can be best illustrated by invting the 
attention of the readers to the commentary of both Vijïïanesvara and 
Sûlapâni on the YS, L 169. Hère both the authors hold that in inter- 
pretîng this Uit of the YS, the principle of praîîprasava is to be foî- 
lowed But there anpears a sîight change^ in the wording of both the 
authors that deserve to be noted. Another case of this type can be cited 
by reading the comments of both Vijïïanesvara and Sûlapâni on the YS. 
II î . Both the commcntators treat this as a case of anuvada- But the 
outlook at the back of adopting the principle of anuvâda is quite diffé- 
rent, as is évident from the comments^ of both the commentators. 

ÎV. At times, however, it can be noticed that whatever point? are 
only hinted at or suggested by VijEânt svara in his commentary, are pro- 
perîy dealt with by Sûlapiai by introducing the point of upalaksanâ. In 
this respect, the attention of the readers can be invited to the important 
comments^ of both the commentators on the YSI. ITO^. By the word 
cov^ [go) Sîllapani suggests^ inclusion of aja and mahisi The same 
point is expressîy suggested^ by Vijïïanesvara, without using the term 
upalaksanâ. Hère a serious studeni may mark only the slight différence 
in the language of both the commentators. Incidentally, it may be noted 
hère that though it is not the main intention of Sn'apani to support the 
czst ofupalakscna yet, the line^ quoted by him from ihe Manu-mr L 



2 garbham^'iaîusyaéaucam s tri visayam sadyah éaucam sapin davisayam ît! vyavas-- 
thitha vîkaîpah * * 111-20 ip.ll). 

3. paryusïîQdlnâm pratîprasavamaka ^û'anânî-P. 21. and 
paryusîîQsya praîiprasavam âha. Vijn nesv:.r3 - P. 57. 

4. yadyapi rëjadharme *vyavahârSn svayam pasyet* ity uktam tathSpi dharma 
énstrâmisâi'enety âdinS gîinavidhâmnham ayam aniivàdah, ^^ùla. P. 36. 
Readaiso: Vijnâ. P. 125. 

5- Sandhîny mîrdïéamt sâgo payah parîvarjayet ausîram ekaèapham straînam 
âranyakam athâvikam. Yâjna Î-Î70. 

6. gograhanam ajëmahîsy upalaksanarihûm, éû^a P. 21. 

7. evam ajSmahisyoé cSnîrdasayoh paya varjayet. Vjjnâ. P. 57. 
'âranyanâm ca sarvesâm mrgâimm mahisXm vinâ' iti (5-9; manu yacanat 



8. 



THE INTERPRETER OF THE YAJNAVALKYA-SMRTI 115 

îends support to his contention. In this respect, it deserves to be noted 
that ît is Nîîakantha who generally quotes the authoritative texts in his 
support to suggesî the case of the upalaksana A curions reader may be 
pleased to read his comments^ in his digest known as mayukhas> 

V. Besides, sometimes, however, both Sûlapâni and Vijiïanesvara 
come to the same conclusion on the mîmamsa technical point but care 
to give différent reasons for arriving at the same conclusion. This 
point can be best iîlustrated by inviting the attention of îhe readers to 
the coraments^^ of both Vijïïânesvara and Sûlapâni on the YS ÏL 191-^^ 
Hère both the commentators treat this as a case of punarvacana, 
Vijïïânesvara says that punarvacana is meant in order to show proper 
respect to the weil-wishers. But Sùiapâni however gives a différent but 
rather a niinor reason in view of the expression 'vedajnaîvâdi vîsesabhU 
dhânariharn* 

Vr. At times, however, it deserves to be noted that our author 
Sûlapâni disagrees with Vijïïânesvara even on some of the mimams^ 
technical points. This point can be best iilustrated by referring to the 
C3mmentaries of both Vijiânesvara and Sûlapâni. Vijïïânesvara 
interprets'2 the text of the YS I. 249 as a fit case oî nîyama vidhi; while 
âûlapâni treats this as a case of parisamkhyu vidhi^^. In this contexte it is 
signifiicant to note that Sûlapâni does not expressly refer to the vïtv^ of 
Vijïïânesvara and aiso does not try to advance any arguments to réfute 
the view point of Vijïïânesvara. He simply remains satisfied by 
expressing his view point, without at the same time propedy examining 
or detecting the flaw in the view point of the predecessors in the field. 

Vn. It is interesting to note that there are some important places 
of the YS on which any curious student of the Pnrva-mimâmsà is likely 
to expeci some important observations on the part of Sûlapâni. But, 
in this respect also, the readers are disappointed by our author, This 
point can be properly expounded by referring to the commentary of 
ârilapâni on the YS. I. 53, IL 135 and ilL 219, Thèse are the important 
places of the YS, where the mimàm^â technical points of vrîîidvayavîro- 

9. Read also : samskâra m'ayûkhâ P. 71; vyavahâramayûkha P. 50. 

10. tesSm vacanam itaraîh kâryam ity eîad âdarSrtkam punarvacanam. Vijnâ P, 277, 
vedajnjtvâdivîiesïïbhidkânârtham punarvacanam. Sïîla. P. 63. 

11. dharmajhâh éucayo Hubdkâh bhaveyiih kiïry acînîakâh j 

kartavyam vacanam tesâm samûha hitavQdinSm j I Yâjna. If. 191 (P. 277) 

12. pi^rsevîtam érSddhaéisiam îstais saha bhunjua. 

m'y a ma evâyam na parisamkhyà . Vijnâ. P. %5. 

i3. '' bhûnJUa pîtrsevitûm' itîna vîdhîh kîmtu nityopavosarîkte parîsamkhyâvîdhîh' 

'Sûla. P, 28. 



116 S.V. UNIVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

dha,^^ paryudasa,^^ purusârîha and kratvarîha^^ are introduced by 
Vijiânesvara and Nîlak?.ntha in their comments on thé above verses 
respectively. This observation, in other words, means that éûlapâni 
does not appear to be a very serious student of the Prirva-mimâmsïï and 
his view points do not deserve any spécial considération and admiration 
from the serious readers of Fûrva-mimamsâ, 

VIÎL Sometimes, however, it is interesting to note that even the 
minor mlmâmsâ technicaî points do not at ail occur to the miné of 
Sûiapâni, in his comraents on some of the portions of the YS. In this 
respects the attention of a curious reader may be invited to his com- 
mentary on the YS ' lîl. 254^^^ Though in this verse, the expression 
'samah nisV occuxs, yet Sû^aplni in his ccmmcnts^s on this verse, 
States that this kind of expiation shouîd be performed for a v^hoîe year. 
The expression 'vursamekam' of Stîlapâni, is in sharp contrast with the 
author of the Mitâksars, who holds^^ that this expiation shouîd be 
performed for three years continuously. The expression 'varsatraya- 
paryanîam' is significant Hère, incidentaîly it may be noted that it is 
Nîlakanta who in his pràyascittamayûkha applies the principle of the 
kapînjaîa nyàya to this verse and cornes to the conclusion of the three 
years. Casually it may be noted that Sûlapani has not at ail introduced 
any mïmâmsâ maxim. The same is the case with the author of the 
Mîtaksarà. But the onîy différence between Vijïïânesvara and Nîia- 
kantha is that Vijïïânesvara has not used thtmimamm principle but 
given the sarae opinion; whereas Nîlakantha has used the mimâmsa 
principle and his décision also is in complète agreement with the opinion 
of VijEânesvara. 

IX. It îs significant to note that Siïlapani in his comments on the 
YS never enters into any acute discussions of Pnrva-mimamsa. In this 
respect, he stands unfavourably compared with VijEânesvara^o who 



14. See aîso : vrtîîdvayavirodha oa Yâjni. 11-115, \M. 

(vyivahâramayûkha, P. 142), 

15. See aîsoî pa yudâsa on Yâjni, III - 219 (priyasciltamayûkha P. 2). 

16. Readalso: Vijnânesvara on Yâjna. t-53 (Yâjna. P. 16 and 17). and NTla- 
kantha on Yâjna 1-53 (vyavabâramayut ha P 107). 

17- vâlavhsâ jatj vapî brahmahatyâvraîam caret l 

pinyâkam va kanàn vâpî bhaksayet trisamâ nisîj I 

Yâjna. III. 254 (P. 433). 

18, athavd tilakstham tandidâdîkanân va râtrau varsam ekam bhaksayet, 
îâûla. P. 98, ' " 

19. aîhavâ pinyâkam pin dit am îrisamâ varsatrayaparyantam râtrau bhaksavet. 
Vijnâ P. 43^. 

^0. visayavyavasthû and upasarnfîcm on Yâjna, I. 256 (P. 92-93) Vijnânesvara. 
niyama and parïsarnkhyâ on Yâjna. L 81 Vijnâ. (P. 25-26). 
dmyoh pranjyœiîi nyâya and niiyânuMda on Yâjna. Il - 135-136 (P. 242). 



THE INTERPRETER OF THE YÂJNAVALKYA-SîviRTI 117 

introduces highiy technical and recondite discussions on the YS 1.256; 
II. 135-36 and also 1. 8L But that is not tlie case with the com- 
mentary of our author. 

X, Sometimes, however, it is noticed that Nïiakantha, the author 
of the twelve mayûkhas, also relies on the view point of Sillapânî, 
particularly in the matter of resorting to arîharâda. While discussing 
the topic of the expiation for cutfing off the tree, Nîlakantha quotes a 
verse from the Visnu-purana I. 12.10 2^« This verse means that ifany 
person cuts the spreading creeper, when the moon is shining on itj he 
will incur sin of killing a brahmin. Now the question is whether the 
sin arising as a resuit of cutting off the branch of a tree is similar 
to the sin arising as a resuit of killing a brahmin or not. Hère Nila- 
kanta opines^^ that this passage is mereiy a case of condemnatory 
arîhavada. He further supports his own view point by quoting the view 
of éiiîapani23 in favour who also holds or equates the sin of killing a 
brahmin with the sin arising out of the cuiting of a creeper. ïn this 
respect, it^can be further added that this view is taken from the other 
Works of Sûîapâni. Moreover, it should be noted hère that Sîïlapam 
has notât ail quoted this stanza from the Fism^-p/^ra^a, though he bas 
quoted it about twenty-five times. 

XL Vijïïânesvara agrées with Nîlakantha in treating that in the 
case of samya atidesa, the expiation should be îesser than the original 
expiation. This is particularly évident from his valuable comments^-* 
on the YS HI. 265. Nîlakantha, in his discussion on the YS Hî. 228, 
refers to the opinion of Bhavadeva and Siilapâni, who hold that though 
in the text of the Yàjnavalkya-smrtî II L 228, there is the equal mention of 
the censure of the Yedas along with the killing of a brahmin, yet it does 
not indicate the less expiation inspite of the vacanlka aiidesa, They 
further hold that as regards the half or three fourth of the expiation, 
there is no authority. Nîlakantha, however, réfutes the view point of 
Bhavadeva and Siilapâni who hold that the equal mention is a case of 
arîhavada and not of aîUeàa. This view point is refuted by Nîlakantha 
by pointing out that Veda-nîndà is not a serious crime as is ihe case 
with the killing of a brahmin. Moreover, Manu has not incîuded the 
censure of the Vedas under the category of great sins. It may be noted 
hère that even Manu has laid down some Iesser expiations in the case 



21. bhinatti vïrudho yastu vTrut samstke nî^okarei 
natram va éâtayaty ekam brahmahatyâtn sa vindaîî 

^ ' " Vîsniî-purâna i-12-10. 

Quoted in prâyascittamayûkha. P. 233- 

22. tadarthavMamâtram, prâyascittamayûkha P. 233. 

23. éulapZfiirapy evameva. ibid. P. 233. 

24. dnâîîdeéa sâmarîhyM gocarmavasana goparîcarycdîbhh katîpayaîr nymatvam 
avagamyaie, Vijnânesvara on Yâjna. P. 457. 



118 S.V. UNiVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

-of minor crimes like the Veda-nînda, stealing of the property of another, 
The text of Manu also faveurs îhe view point of Nîlakcintha. He 
further cites the practical example 'ràjuLisamo manîrï\ Ihis exampîe 
also points io the same direction of the inferiority or dégradation in 
\qvq\ of the îTîinister as compared with the king. In this res|.ect,the 
comments^s of Nilakantha are noteworihy and deserve to be noted. 
Thus, foliowing the same analogy hère, we can say that the expiation 
must become less in the case of the roînor ofFences, when in particular 
it becomes a case of atidesi. A curious reader may further read the 
detaiîed discussion in the prayaécltta mayûkha PP. Î4 to Î6. Hère it is 
reasonable to agrée with Nîîakantha on this point, setting-^ aside the 
views of Bhavâdeva and Sulapâni. In this connection, it desserves ta 
be noted hère that this spécial view oï arthavâda particularly of Siîlapâni 
is not to be noticed in the commentary DlpakaUka on the YS III. 228. 
Possibly Nîlak; nt sa is referrîng to this view of Sùlapâni available in his 
other Works. In this context, it is interesting to remember the view 
point of Haradatta on the Âpasîamha- dharmasûtra, particularly when 
he asserts positiveiy that in the case of atldesa, there shoald be some 
déduction of matter in the extendcd case Haradatta in his com- 
mentary on t\\^ Âpastamba - dharmasïlîra, I. 8. 26. 5, suggests^*^ that in 
the extended case (vîkrli) one half of îhe original (prakrîf) should be 
adopted following the principle of the smïïrianyàya. So takiug into 
account the favourable view^ points of authors on Dhannasastra like 
Vjjïïânesvara and Haradatta on îhe technical point of atide'sa, \t will 
be reasonable to accept the view point of Nilakantha. 

XII. Sonietimes, however, Nilakantha supports his view point by 
quoting the view point of Sillapani in his favour. It deserves to be 
noted hère that the view thus quoted is not to be seen in the présent 
commentary Dipakalika. Possibly this view alsohas been quoted from 
the other digesî of Siîiapani. This point can be best illustrated by 
inviting the attention of the r^jaders to the commentary on the Yi> 
111.255. Hère the topic under discussion is whether the expiation of a 
thread ceremony is an aitogether différent expiation or whcther it is in 
addition to the expiations for eating impure things of the body. Nîla- 
kantha^^ quotes hère the two divergent opinions. Accordiisg to èûla- 
pani, the expiation of the second thr:ad ceremony is to be combined 
with the other expiations for eating impure things. It also seems iikcîy 

25. 'râjhasamo mantrV îty adau tu nyiinaîâ pratyaksagamyâ 

prâyascittamayûJkha P. 14. 

26. etenâîideàe pûrna ptayascitam vadantau sûIapâni bhavidevâv apâstau. 
ibid P, 16. * 

27. atideéau cârdham prâpyati it! smZrîa nyâyas tena sînnâm ardha prupîy 
arthavacanam îtî. Apavtamba -dharma^O ra. P. 146. 

28. See also : priyascittamav uîdia P. 1 14. 



THE INTERPRETER OF THE YÂJNAVALKYA-SMRTI 119 

that the view point of Sûlapâni is based on the useof the word ca occur- 
ing in the text. He further cites the opposite view of other scholars who 
treat this as an independent expiation and hence it is not to be included 
in other expiations laid down for eating impure things. It is interesting 
to note that Nîlakantha passes over this point in silence. Hère it is 
possible to hold thatNîlakontha agrées with the first view in view of the 
préférence he has shown in presenting the view points. In this con- 
nection, it will bs reasonable to quote the view point of MM. Dr. P.V. 
Kane who thinks that ia such cases the author agrées with the last 
view quoted. 

'_ _ . 
Incidentally, it must be noted hère that this view point of Sulapani 
is not to be found in the présent commentary. Possiblythis viewappears 
in the other works of our author. 

Xni. The View points of Sûlapâni are further quoted by Mitra- 
misra in his commentary on the Yâinavalkya-smrtl and also in his djgest 
known as Viramitrodaya. This means that some of the views of Silla- 
pâni hâve either become acceptable or rejeciable to the later authors of 
nibandhas. This statement can be furiher supported by inviting the 
attention of the readers to the commentary of Mitramisra on the YS. 
1.161. Hère the topic under discussion is the persons from whom food 
should not be eaten by abrahmacSri. Hère in the list of the persons 
from whom the food is not to be eaten the word gatiadiksi occurs. Accord- 
irig to Vij5ânesvara,29 it means one who performs many sacrifices Sûla- 
pâni, however, treatss» this as one who performs sacrifices for the group 
(in'common). Mitramisra, however, understands this as one who per- 
forms many consécrations or sacrifices He further points out ihat the 
meaning given by éûlapâni cannot be accepted, because it would invoive 
the fault of répétition or reproduction in view of the text of Yb - l w in 
Nvhich the word 'grâmayâji again occurs. The view of M'tramis^a 
deserves considération and we cannot understand both the «^^rd m one 
and the same ,ense. It may be incidentally noted hère that ^^^.^^fj''' 
ing the ..ord grâ^nayaji occurring in the YS I 163, f '^ . /m tra 
V JÎTâneévara The view point of èiilapâm is ^S^' ^ '.l noint of F^ 
misraon the YS p 232 and 257. As hère no technical pom of P«^^^^^^ 

'^ A r An nnt think it fit to iavitc the attention oî îoe 
nîmamm is rais^d, I do not tnin^ u m iv/ 

readers to this point. 

XIV. S.metimes, however, éûlapâni refers to ^^l^^^^^^'Z 
cal terms by suggestion withou^^vording_t^^^ 

29 ganad-iksl bahuysjakah. Vijnânesvaia on Yâjna P. 54. 
âpZtât Mitramisra on Yâjna P. 23^. 



120 S.V. UNIVERSÎTY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

same is generalîy worded in the Pûrva-mimafmë, The attention of the 
readers can be invited to the commentary of Sûlapani on the YS L 23L 
He points out^- that the offering of the seat (vistara) pointed out in the 
text of the YS L 229 and the offering of the Jamp in the case of the 
brahmins invited for the srâddha ceremony, shouid be done bv the mode 
of kandïïnusamaya. He further quotes the view of Katyayana, that it 
shouid be done following the mode oï padàrthanusamaya, Hence the best 
way33 is to resort îo option. Hère the expression 'kândanusaych is in 
agreement with the expression kândânusamayah resorted to in the Fûrva- 
mimâmsïï, The same is the case wlîh the expression padàrthanusoyak. 
Hère aiso it is significant to note that the mode of padârthanmamaya 
and kândânysamaya is neither suggested by Vijiîânesvara nor by Nlla- 
kantha. Hence, the utility of Sûlapani, though meagre, cannot be gain- 
siid. 

XV. ït is also important to reniember, of course, incilentally that 
Siîlapàni does neither try to follovv nor to contradict themîmâm'^à views 
ofAparârkaon the YS, the famous predecessor and tiie commentator 
ofthe voluminoiis commentary on the said work. Tiiis also indicates 
tiiat Siïlapâni does not enter into acute àisciissions of Pûrva-mtmârfîsà 
and does not impress the readers by going to the root of the s abject by 
quoting the views of Jaimini, Sabara or Kumàrila or throwing flood of 
light upon the terms in his own iucid language. In this respect, he 
stands unfavourably compared with Vijiîânesvara, ISIîlakantha and 
Siiikarâcârya, the commentator of the Vedanta sûtras of Bâdarâyana, 

XVI, It is neediess to say that the commentary of Siïlapâni does 
not possess any distinguishing feature as is the case with the com- 
mentary of Mitramisra on the YS, particularly in the matterof Iucid 
and detailed treatraent^^ on the mimamsâ technical term samuccaya. 
By this remark, î do not want to state that Sûlapani does not at ail 
empîoy the mimâmsïï terra samuccaya. Tiie only important thing to be 
borne in mind hère is that Siïlapâni has employed the terni samuccaya 
but it has not got any distinguishing characteristic. 

XVII ït appsars that in his commentary on the YS, Stllapâni 
makes a very meagre use of the doctrines of Fûrva-mîmâinsà. He, in 
his commentary, uses the mimamsâ tcrms Yikc vikalpa, uapalaksana. 
nfsedha, parisemkhya, pranprasava, anuvâda. punarvacana, niyama, 
vyavasthita vikalf^a, padârthanusaya and kàndànusaya etc. Mathematically 
speaking this figure will not exceed the number fifteen. So, it can be 



32. vîstarSJi dlpadânânîa kândânusayah. éoîapâni on Yâjna, P. 27. 

33 kâtyâyane tu paaârthamdayah, aio vikalpah. ibid. P. 27. 

34. See also : My article on 'S \m Jccayi - A negkcted Mï nâm- 1 term 

by Vjjnâoc&vara* A B,O.R.L Poona. LXi - 1971 (pp. 83-92). 



THE INTERPRETER OF THE YAJK^AVALKYA-SMRTI i2i 

said that he does not impress the readers by his profound scholarship. 
Incidentallyj h shouîd benoted that he used the above mentioned terms 
very rarely and not repeatedly. 

Conclusion 

Taking into account the above aspects revealed in the commentary 
of Sulapâni, it is possible to say with reasonabîe certainty that the com- 
mentary of Sûîapâni on the YS cannot be considered as a proper contri- 
bution to the science of intepretation otherwise known as the Fûrva- 
mîmâmsa. Siliapâni has made very meagre use of the doctrines of the 
JPûrva-mimamsa in the course of his discussion. At times, it seemsthat 
île copies the view points of VijEanesvara and aîso shows boidness to 
express the view point diËFerent from Vijiïânesvara, without at the 
same time, introducing any hot debate on the technical point. Attimes, 
however.3 he touches upon some of the places of the YS ieft untouched 
by VijSanesvara and ISîlakantha. He is not careful in wording the îangu- 
age in which it is generally worded by the well-known scholars of 
JPûrva-mfmcîmsa and Dharmasàstra. Sometimes, however, his opinions 
are refused by Nîlakantha and Mitramisra in their works particuîarîy on 
the mimamsâ technical point, It may also be noted that at times Mîla- 
Icantha quotes the view points of Sulapâni to support his own case of 
inte'rpreting the particular text. Casualiy it should be borne in mind 
that he does not try to follow or criticize the view points of Aparârka 
on the YS . 1 may make bold to say that the commentary of Siîlapâni does 
lîot possess any distinguishing feauture as is the case with the comment- 
ary of Mitramisra particuîarîy from the point of view of .s-amwc^ajpa on 
the YS. It is also significant to note that whatever view points of Sula- 
pâni are quoted by Nîlakantha in his digest are not to be seen in the 
présent commentary, possibiy they are quoted from the other works of 
the author. At times, however, the View of Sulapâni referred to by 
Mitramisra, find Verbatim in the présent text of Dlpakaliku. In fine, one 
can say that though Siîlapâni is not very much useful for interpreting 
the text of the YS, particuîarîy from ûit mîmamsà view point,^ yet at the 
same time, its meagre use to a small extent, cannot be gainsaid. Hence, 
it canbe said with reasonabîe certainty that he does not occupy the 
honourable and coveted position among the other interpreters of 
the YS. 



SRI Hy. RAMÂGOPAL 

A NOTE ON ANDHRA PAINTERS 



Ândhras, as a race are emotional with fire and drive. This basic 
trait has given ability to many artists, who hâve been frank and décisive 
in their realm of painting. The world famous frescoes of Âjanta, the 
Lêpâksi murais and the Deccan School of painting are landmarks of the 
earliest Ândhra painters. The kahmkarîs of Kâlahasti and Masulipatam 
are paintings on cloth, with traditional linear forms with indigenous 
colours also depict the folk-form of the art of painting. Painted ieather 
figures, called tôlubommalu with rich colour harmony, depict the art 
of painting of the médiéval times. AU thèse art forms with rich sensé 
of colour and vigorous form reflect the native air and the painters' fine 
sensé of life of their times. The Andhra painters of twentieth century , 
inspired by such a traditional background are equally alive to the current 
trends of world painting. 

Among the earliest painters of the twentieth century, Sri A.S. 
Ram, Damerla Rama Rao, Manikonda Rama Rao, Varada Venkatarat- 
nam, Chemakuri Bhashyakarla Rao, S.N. Chamkur, Bhagirathi, Mokka- 
pati Krishna Murthi, Ankala Venkata Subba Rao are the pioneers who 
hâve inspired the présent young painters of Ândhra. Ail of thèse above 
noted painters hâve done voluminous work with zeaî and jest for hfe, 

Ândhra writers like Sri AdiviBapiraju, Madhavapeddi Gokhale, 
Achanta Janakiram, Sanjeeva Dev bave done good paintings. Their 
Works are noteworthy. Like D.H. Lawrence, they are both wnters and 
painters. 

The pre-independence Ândhra painters were trained under Bengali 
masters like Sri Promod Kumar Chatterji, D.P. Roychowdhury and 
others. But the post-independence Ândhra painters hâve taken inspra. 
tion from the works of French painters of the twentieth century. Thus 



1 24 S .V. UNIVERSIT Y ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

they havc asshnilated the techniques of the Western painting. 
Contemporary Andhra painters iiicluding youngsters and elders hâve 
taken subjects for their painting from their soirounding environment 
and brought secular painting Into vogue, 

Sri P.T. Reddy, Pilaka Narasimhamurthy, H.V. Rama Gopal, 
K. Srinivasulu, A. Paidi Raju, K. Seshagiri Rao, Badri Narayan and 
others are among the next set of Andhra painters of the twentieth 
century. Some of them hâve done abstract paintings. With the 
introduction of abstract painting, the painting fieîd in Andhra has 
been doubled. Aîso there are youngsters with lot of talent like Sri 
Krishna Reddy (Paris), S.V, Rama Rao (London), Veluri Radhakrishna 
(Bhopal), Reddapa Naidu, A. Anjaneyulu (Madras), Devaraj,Lakshman 
Goud, Manmohan Dut, Madhusudana Rao (Hyderabad) and Lakshmiah 
(Pachhalatadîparru, Guntur). There are many more from the younger 
génération studying at the art institutions in Madras, Hyderabad, 
Bombay, Baroda and New Delhi. AU of them can bring their works 
created by imbibing varions expériences in technical studies and contri- 
bute to the richness and variety of trends in the Andhra Painting. 

Most of the Andhra painters of today are known nationally and 
internationally apart from themselves being known in their own state, 
Rich palette and individuality in style are the real contributions in the 
new trends in Andhra painting. 

Some of the painters, irrespective of their âge, with their volu- 
nainous contributions etc., are re-thinking now. The contemporary 
painting ail over the world is in a meîting pot. Some hâve begun to 
realize that artists should be more inspired by nature than merely book- 
inspired in the basic concept, maintaining at the same breath personal 
vision without préjudice on a wider area discovering new horizons with 
integrity of émotion and intuition. With such an outlook, I for one, hope 
that Andhra painters at présent can contribute something substantial to 
the world of art against the background of the country with the study 
of their local moorings. 

An era of Neo-realism is in the offing. The distortions and 
disfigurations in the pseudo name of modem art raay fade away iike 
weeds. Like strong trees, true traditions and firm conventions are 
bound to grow slowly. A good work of art whether it is done today or 
thousands of years of yesterday, it should not matterforthe aesthetic 
value judgments. The ravages of time pass by. The contributions create 
history and stand for times to corne. 

Only a fusion of technical excellence (evolved over centuries) 
and Imaginative excellence inherited and cultivated with care will be the 



A NOTE ON ANDHRA PAINTERS 125 

true work of contribution in the art world. We ail look for évolution 
and aspiration (as beacon liglits) for the growing awareness of humam 
beings into a fine aesthetic value, contributions in the name of arts and 
letters. 

The présent contribution of painters is in the approach stage; the 
best Works as significant contributions, about which one can boast of are 
yet to be made. 

Let us hope the painters of Ândhra, young or old do not forget 
the essence of the words of Gandhiji - "I keep the doors of my Windows 
open. Let breeze flow in from ail directions, Only thing I want is that 
my feet should not be blown off." 



SRI B,V. SRINIVASA RAO 

LAKKANNA DANDÀNÂYAKA 



Introduction 

Lakkanna Dandanâyaka was the most affectionate minister to Vira- 
saiva ruler of the Sangama dynasty of Vijayanagara empire by name 
Devarâya II, whose period is fixed from a.d. 1419 to a.d. 1446. He was 
the commander of the Vijayanagara forces and beyond ail he was the 
Personal and pet-friend of Vijayanagara Vïrasaiva King Devarâya II 
who was the South Indian ruler. His father's name was Heggadadeva; 
his mother's name was Ommâyamma. His brother's name was Madanna- 
dandanâyaka. He belonged to Visnuvardhana fotra. By religion, he was 
a vVrasaîva virakta. He had great faith in Virasaivism, Hewas main^y 
responsible for the plenty and prosperity of his lord Devarâya II. He 
was also a great administrator and powerful soldier. He was a very good 
diplomat. He was a great politician also. «^''f ^ P^*"'" "^^^"'"^ 
religion. He conferred upon his lord Devarâya II his most aflFect onate 
ïtle called "Devendra". The history of such a hero of great quahties is 
woithy of study.i 

Lakkannadandanâyaka as an administrator 

Xt the very outset Lakkannadandanâyaka ^^^ t^°/°^^"f ..^^^ 
Talakâdu province (now in Mysore District). And then from a.d. 1430 
I AD 1433 h^wasthe governor for Muluvâyil province (correspond- 

found at Mulubâgal dated Kaliyuga 43:sz yc<ii , ^^^ 



1. 



Pages 77-85. Indian Anti.uary Vol. LVII. May. 1928. Volume 57. 



128 S.V, UNIVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

Vikrama 1488, Mesâdi solar year in Bengal 837, Kollam 605-606 corres- 
ponding to a.d. 1430-1431 and it belongs to Sâdharananâma sainvatsara.^ 

In the year a.d. 1434 Lakkannadandanayaka handed over Têkal 
province to Sâluva Gôpa Tippa as per the orders of the King Deva- 
râya IL This is confirmed by Kannada inscriptions beîonging to Pramâ- 
dîca saipvatsara dated to Kaliyuga 4535, saka year 1355-56, Caitrâdi 
Vikrama 1491, Mesâdi solar year in Bengal 840, Kollam 608-609, cor- 
respondingto A.D. 1433-1-34.3 Lakkannadandanayaka who stepped into 
Pândyan région in about a.d. 1431 was at Tiruvannâmalai for some time, 
From the year Subhânn of saka 1327 current to the year Vibhava sam- 
vatsara (corresponding from a.d. 1405 to a.d. 1451) a period offorty- 
seven years, Lakknnadandanâyaka and Madannadandanâyaka ruied 
the kingdom of Madurai as Naik viceroys. After his régime he brought 
ont of exile, at Kâlaiyarkoil, the iliegitimate son of the late son of 
Pândyan king and his concubine Abirâmi, by name Sundaratt5}-Mavali- 
Vanadirâyan and installed him as the ruler of Madurai. After him his 
brothers nameîy, Kâlaiyâr Sômanlr, ASjàta Perumil Muttarasa, Tiru- 
malai ruied over Madurai.** 

The conquests of Lakkannadandanayaka 

As a soldier, in order to încrease the prestige of Vijayanagara 
empire, he at first started his conqest of Guîbarga in the year a.d. 1443. 
When Muslims of Gaibarga invaded the boundary of Vijayanagar em- 
pire, the boundary people led by pâlyagâr of Gummâreddipura and 
Pemmasâni Singappa were ready to help their lord Devarâya II in sack- 
ing Muslims of Guîbarga. In thîs connection the Vijayanagara forces as 
a resuit of their attack of Guîbarga, not only lost thousands of soldiers 
but also became tired. It needed rest theretore on seeking this, Pâlya- 
gâr Doddavasantanayaka after asking Vijayanagara forces to take rest 
for some time, again invaded Guîbarga with great vigour. In the sword 
fightbetween Dodda Vasantanâyaka and Sultan of Guîbarga, Sultan's 
sword was eut into pièces. Then both started wrestling in which Sultan 
was defeated. In the end under the leadership of Lakkannadanda- 
nayaka, Vijayanagara forces invaded and finally captured Guîbarga and 

2. Page 65, Epigraphia Carnatica Vol. X, Inscription No. 2 Mulubagal, (Kolar 
District, Mysore State). 

3. Page 153, Epigraphia Carnatica, Vol. X. Inscription No. 1, Malur, Kolar 
District, Mysore State. 

4* Page 10, Indian Antiquary, Volume 43» 1914. 

Page 10, Sources of Vijayanagar History, by S.K- lyengar. 
Page 340, South Indian History and Culture, Volume II, by S.K, lyengar. 
Page 347, South Indian History and culture. Volume II, by S.K. lyengar, 
Ap,:ïendix E (Tamil liierary source Madurditalavaraîâru) Account of the sacred 
city of Madura). 



LAKKANNA DANDANÂYAKA 129 

brought countîess Muslims as captives to Vijayanagar. Tiius the vîctori- 
ous Lakkannadandanâyaka was allowed to mint coins named after him.^ 

Then Lakkannadandanâyaka with the help of Pindyan King Ari- 
kesari Parâkrama Pândya conquered the nortbern part of Ceyion in the 
period between November a,d. 1442 and April a.d. 1443. During tMs 
time Parâkrama Bâhu VI of Kôte dynasty was the ruler of Ceyion. 
Lakkannadandanàyaka won the title 'Daksina samudradhîsvara' Lord of 
the Southern Océan) .^ 

The coins of Lakkannadandanàyaka, 

Lakknnadandanâyaka issned copper coins. On the reverse of his 
coin symbol of éléphant is found. On its reverse letter *'L" and legend 
namely "Mâna, Danàya, Kam" reading the name of Lakkannadanda- 
nàyaka.^ 

Lakkannadandanàyaka as a lover {?/ teer/2/M/•e.• 
Lakkannada^danâyaka was a great man ofletters. He wrote in 
Kannada a book called "Sivatattvacintâmani*'. ît is in the form of 
verse -Vârdhikasatpadi. It contains 2221 verses in fifty-fonr sandhis. 
It records Vîrasaiva Philosophy.^ 



5. The Bakhar of Gummâreddipâiya Chiefs (Kannada Publication by M.S. Put- 
tanna» Mysore Un'versîty Publication). 

6. Page 139, Annual Report ofEpîgraphy. 1916, Madras» 

Page 103, Journal of the Royal Asîatic Society (Ceyion Branch) Colombo, 

volume XXVI. 

Page 300-301, Article on Baiias in South Indian History by Dr. T.V. Maha- 

lingam. 

Pages 1580-1581* Volume II, part 3, Mysore Gazetteer, RaoSahib Hayavadana 

Rao. 

7. Page 167, The Journal of Andhra Historical Research Society. Volume IV 
Rajahmundry. 

Para 3Î , Annual Report of South Indian Epîgraphy for 1905, Madras. 

8. Vide page 60^ to 610 Basavanal Coram^mofation Volume. Dharvar 1956 
Editors H.F. Kattemuni and M.G. Virupaksha* 



Dr, BISWANATH BHATTACHARYA 

A NOTE ON BHARTRMITRA THE MlMAMSAKA 



Bhartrmitra was a pre-Kximarilabliatta mimamsaka of distinction. 
His View on the nature of srotra has been ridiculed by Kumâriîa in the 
Sabda-nîtyatâ-dhikarana of his Èlokavarttîka. Plrtliasarathimisra in bis 
Nyùyaratnâkara on the Slokavrâîîika^ clarifies Kumârila's anonymous 
référence to Bhartrmitra.^ 

The same view has been referred to by Jayantabhatta in the 
Sabdapramâna-prarupanàhnika of his NyayatnaEjari.^ Cakradhara- 
bhatta élucidâtes this référence in his Nyayamanjarî-granïhîbhahga,^ 

Cakradhara informs us that Bhartrmitra was the author of the 
Tantrasuddhî and some other prakarana Works .^ 

Again, Bhartrmitra's view on the fivefold relationship that 
laksanïï bears to ihz vâcyïïrtha has been quotedby Somesvarabhatta in 

1. 'imam eva ca samskaram sabdagrahanakaranamj 
kecît tu panditammanyâh irotram Uy abhimanvaîel i 

èlokavarttîka with Pârthasârathi-Misra's NySyarainâkara, 130-131, p. 
763. Chowkhamba edn., Benares, 1898-99. 

2. atra bhartrmîtro vadatî, na érotram nama kindt^ tasya ca dhvanîjanyah samskâra 
iti dvayam kalpyam, âdau dhvani janyah samskâra eva érotram, tad upanyasyopâ^ 
labhate imam itidvayena^ Nyâya-ratnâkara on Èlokavarttîka, ibid. 

3. api ca bhavatâm evaîsa dosa yesâm âkâéam eva érotram îty abhyupagamanîyamo 
mïmârnsakânâm tu navaéyam âkâéam eva érotrarn kâryârthâpattîkaîpitarn tu kîm 
apî karanamâtrarn pratipurusa niyatam érotram iti nâtiprasakgaK tathâ ca 
bhartrmitrah pavana Janîtasarnskârapakso bhavatii. tathspi nâtîprasahgah 
nîyaîadeéasyaiva tatrasarnskarât, Nyâyamanjarï, Ahnîka 3, p. 213, Vizianagaram 
Sanskrit Séries, Part 1, Benares, 1895. 

4. tathâ ca hhqrtrmîtreti. Bhartrmitrakhyas îanîraéuddhyâdiprakaranakrn mîmSrn- 
sakah ' karnaéaskulyam pavana janîtah samskàrah érotram' îty âha. tadanvaya- 
vyatîrekSnuvidhâyîtvâc chabdagrahanasya, Nyâyamanjarï-'granîhibhanga, Ahnîka 
3, p. se, L.D. Séries, Abmedabad, 1972. 

5. Bhartrmitrakhyas tantraéuddhyâdiprakaranakrn mîmârnsakah. ..,.,, ibid. 



132 S.Ve UNIVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

his Kavyadarsa on Mammatabhatta's Kâvyaprakâsa.^ The same has 

been done by Manikyacandra in his Sanketa onthe KavyaprakaàaJ 

The above view has also been cited anonymoxisly by Abhînava? 
gypta in his Locana on Anandavardhana's Dhvanyaïoka^ and Gopendra-» 
îripurahara in his Kavyâlankara-kamadhenu on Vâmana's Kàvyàlankara- 
sûtravrttiJ^ 

It is^ however, not possible to assert that the two views of 
Bhartrmitra considered above had been recorded by him in his Tanîra- 
suddhi. 



6, -^ tad-yogaê ca mukhyarthâsannatvamj 

îat pancajhà âcârya-bhartr mitre na uktam - 

abhîdheyena sambandhat sâdrêyât samavâyatahl 

vaîparltyât krîyâyogâl laksaniï pancadhiï maîaj j 

Kâvyâdaréa on Mammata's Kâvya-prakâ^a, Part 1, ullasa 2, pp. 16-17, 

Râjasthâna-'pumtana-^granthamâlâ Jodhpur, 1959, 

It is striking that the same vcr&e appears with some minor variants in the 
Agni-purâna as follows : 

abhîdheyena sâmipyât samavâyatahl 

vaîparïîyât^ .,.. maîâjl 

Agnî-purâna, Vol. 3,344. 11-12, p. 228, Bibliotheca Indka, Calcutta, 
(Samvat) Î933. 

7 , tadyogaé ca miikhyarthasannatvam, tat pancadhoktant bhartrmU 

îrena — 

abhîdheyena sambandhat sadrêyat samavâyatahj 

vaiparïtyat krîyayogà! îaksanâ pancadha matâlj 

Sanketa on Mammaja's Kâvya^prakâéa, uîWsa, 2, pp. 27-28, 

Mysore, 1922. 

'8. — ..,..yad âhiih *-^ 

, abhîdheyena samlpySi sarUpyat sarnavayatahl 

vaiparïtyat..,,.. ,,.. matai j îîtj j 

Locana on Ânandavardhana's Dhvùnyâtoka, uddyota 1, p. ^81, ChoW- 
khamba edn., Benares, 1940. 

. 9. ^'abhîdheyena sambandhat sadrsyat samavâyatahl 

vaiparïtyat ...,.,,.... ,.,,matâ'' fj 

îtî laksanSyâ nîmîttam drasta)^yânî, Km^âîahkara^kamëdhertu 4, 3, 8, pp* 
J', 132-133, Benares Sanskrit Séries, Benare», 1907-08. i , L. 




Dr. V. KRISHNASWAMY lYENGAR 



iTf gqr 1%^ ïTmr t^rgïîR f^n^f fer i 

çl^ 3ÎÇ!Î 9îr=WT Wmf^^ Rlftf^fcf fî^î^ I gsïï ^ - '^^^ Siï^:' 

i_3-i) |f? qrsra; î3riç^i'ïï4 fet i '^-^^tî^ ^rtI^' (1-1-27) 
:î^ ïïcfRRR:? ?î^îïïïT^f sJîf^PTîï^ I ' EfWî'aïïfîrTrcfp ' ( 1-4-55) 
rfè ^oT, 'stM'sr:' (1-4-97) ^ ^ï^ft'af^îTC'iïq^cnpfiM %wt^^ 

RT^SRr^^r^:' (2-1-3) ffè îï^il ^TJTRTrfg-^WRïWÏÏ: , '^5^= m- 
TR^' (2-2-38) f^ ?î^ qj^RîlffJTR^lf^^R^ ai?^ Î^W^rîïï I 



4fg?Tf ?rfîT*TI?rà^ît5E#, à- 132 Chowkhamba sanskrit Stries,- No. U (1929} 



733—1 



î s. V. UNIVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURNAL [Vol. XVII 

^m' (2-1-5) # ?i;tor 3T5ï}#Tmfî32fïR 3-qîFïra" I 'cRg^:' (2-1-22) 

TSirSfSTîgijô^crg^îg^^qî^ ^qiô^Fc[-^=^^I 2-1-6 

=1. WSfîI?^ 2-1-7 



\. m^nm 2-1-8 

». i7 Effè^iï ïim.'^ 2-1-9 

y. 3î^5rërmifeîïr: !#iTr 2-1-10 



2 î-11 

2-1-12 
2-1-3 
2-1-14 



?o. 3T32I^ÇÎW 2-1-15 

n- W^^WfîTr 2-1-16 

R. fè^ îfîîcftî^ =? 2-1-17 

?V "H^^^Wîr^ 2-1-18 

^». ?PPît45%^ 2 1-19 

l-i. îf^Sl 2-1-20 

?^. sF^i^^îif;^ 2-1-21 



%mF{ t^ ^ï^rrfor 3Twi^^^ W3€p^ f ^1 'fivrrfr' fcît^ 



June, '74] 3T5îjqt5TR<T<te6rT ''. 

'^ct^r^ 3Tfèi5i5Kr^ "î^^?i;^TfiTîïï miwù hc^î^^ ^p^^ra"' ?% 
Fî^^ I îî 1^ '?Ti: ^vf^ (2-1-4) ^TRRf çfsïï^î^rPr f^^^ mrêk 

r^rrer "l^fè^TER i^fè ^R^irg; i ^rg '^^r ijl 53^ ^^ # ^S^'^ 
=r«r' ^ 1-1 -41) |T% ^^' ^N^2}ïï ff^ I 3T5ïî3ï^rsr^ 1^ ?içf qs^^ 1 

^aq,3T|C3|qyf^^%; ^fq^cTETn^^ cRq^f; | g^cfi^ fïfSFt ÇlîIîïïtJT 'Rtf^g 
ÎTO I 

2. îTïmT'^ 2.1.11, a. 83. ?fRIir»-fW-g[Ç^-51)I^5î-ïîv^;Trën, 1939 

3. lTfIHI«% 2 1.5 1. 78. 



73:- 



V S.V. UNIVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURNAL [Vol. XVIÏ 

^^qîTîîî^TW^Tf f^sjïï srfr ÇfîT'EF^ | %5f%^ ^55:5 ^f 'î^'^^'t ^^ 

"ïï^rf^r ftr^ '^crf^PïiTrafî^îrq;' (1-1-37) ira ^ior ^ïïf?TT"ïï- 

TOTÎîT^ 1 ïï^ îï^ arqfè^r STc^^sîîïïtïï^r ïî|^: ^^^T: w€l^ ^W>^^ t 

¥5^r: ^^ %f^ fli%cq fîîlcj ÏT 5|-q5^^ 1 :^:g;% ^qj^[ IJ^^Ï?^ ( 

'=^r^%S^^', 'RT^^Î:'. (1-4-57, 58) fM ^^î^^Tf^t fîfCiïcî^r f^H^îf^ { 

çRfrfcT r^Tfî^^r T^êç w^ i I^b i ^^i^'CïfrffcîîM ^ï^ \i^ 
^^^ «ïïSRR ^r ^^^ ^ ^î^^-. \ srr^^f^ ^î^sife: «rf^îrfwgr «siÊî ! 

(14-59,60) |fcî ?î^r^3ïf f^HTiïiï^l '3rîEîilRÎ3:sfïï Çi^i' (1-4-1) ffg 

srr^îïïj^ # ^'Tcr ffcr ?ii!^%: i ^ï^%m w-é: w^^^^- ^^ 

'd^«rwllW%--' (1-1-38) %jè ^OT W^g^ clfefFcïHr- 

fèsîî% 1 T=sirawqt^^t 3 ^ ^m^ ûm ^^w{ \ ^^r 
^T^w^ ^m^ï^ i 

'fï% W^:' (1-1-39) ff^ l M. % ïî^iTFcl 'ÇîRtsr, cr5[-clïl^ 



June, '74] 3îs?î!ftïiM"TÛï3fT y. 

sTswTïTrq^ i3;3% m^ \ ^^^, wqf^, sttk^tï^, 

(2-4-18) f fè 1 f ^ ^ ^TT^^c^lf^ïî^q; I ^yî'^t RFraTt^^HT- 

^mw- I ^%f%c2Tfyïïr"T'3; i m^m 'w^A ff^rtst' ^^nw- \ 
=^qç?5R% çff^ ^sm 1 '|# ïï^çr% îiïf5fq^siî?r' ( 1-2-47) # ?ï^i 

'3T5ïïïfr^q^ iT' (2-4-82) |fè w?m m^^m 3ïïq: i^ar 
%^,%^^r^ïî: çflîci I 3tR%^ ^^i?f^, ^?'7^Frt fwî: T%îî^ I m ^\ 



S.V. UNIVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURNAL [Vcl. XVir 

1^ ^wt ç^rtHc^mt ^^^ ^ér %^ f f^ ^f rf^ 5fPTfé I ^ :^ro^^. 

»TFîI^R^5, ^^ïïfDf s^^^m ^^îlfOM ^ îRmM fl^F^fe I 



îffmM 2.2.82, ï. 382 3. 



June, '74] sîs^TJftHT^tna-i^ ^ 

^ mm m^^m^n' m^^^- "t^^r^ ^l^rRif^ fi^l^- 

^^^^^, K^-^ ^1^^ ^ r5# ^ff^ ^ ^r^ ^^(^^^ '^^^^ ^"^f 



S.V. UNIVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURNAL [Vol. XVII 

^mtm^m.!^ ^ #, ^p^ ^.:^,^._ ,^^ , ^^^^ ^^ ^ 

^^l^r^ q^R^^T: m^m ^ ^, ^f^, ^ _ ^^^^^^ 

WRFcr ^q^ I 'tf,f^ ^crp^^ p^^^,. ^^P^ P^^, ^^^^^^_ ^ 
=^fe if[|çîqî ^f% ip 

^^Sf^'^lr' ^^!î^^^' .^^.r^^: 



3T5ïrîn»TTWtrîjT 



K'^m ïîn^^RT 52fR"^ - "3îff[ qs^gïfîïffgwïrscrîsrFrîffof ^i^m^ \ 1^ 
!T%5r^? ^JTsr^^^lï^^sEffè^Hrr^i' ^ïï£pR#îg# 'ïï ^- 

^r^F^ îrF%ftf% iïTpiïïw ^ q^^^^PM^, srfsïffl^n^R^^ïrT^ 

•■■■^' 5. qfTTM, 2.4.83, 2. 383. 
6. ibid. 



-10 S.V. UNIVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

fer îT ^^1 ^^'îî? sRr^î^ g'^^?: 1 wt^^ïï^ 'gw ^rf^' 
(6-2-167) ffçf ?p3Tr^ iïHfR^ I ^rf^=^^ s'irgïï^^ïFêt^ 
^^ 5t|^fîflfïï ^^■. I îfl^giir; sï^TççF g^a-^T®^^ ^r^«iH*^r- 

(5. 567) ^^î% I 3T^ ^rr^MiT^w g?3^ ^rffN^R^^jRra: 

îîF^T^rg^lïï cJRT^ I '^6îi?ïf^cÇ^ôG[' - (6-2-168) ^TÎ3[ï?ÏÏRf 

%fsF2ït fqsfl[ I ^lïïfîrg^ f^r^ srsîsllïîFr'îlq^fî^ «i^41cMfq- ^ 
sïîi^^ïï w^ '^^: ^^t^' (8-3-46) ^c!ïï%r T^mm ^ ?î^fr 

7. iffl^TM, 1-1-40, <T. 356-357. 



s(s^mm'{^^m 



'prïTT^sgTT^q^^çr' (8-3-45) |î% "i^^Rrrïîrgï^^^^^t ^^ \ '^^-^- 
^5:Tfç<jrcf2ïï ^firaîf^ 1 ^tfcî =^Rï?€q s^gn^n^ mwwi^, '^^m^ 

(2) 3TcBf^ 3T5îi<î[iïfDT fw, T^ïfHêH^^îP-îX I ^^nq 

(3) # 3î5qïîqfcI^HF: ^^ - tm^W , f^^-^ ïïf^F#f- 

'^mfï^cî' (2.3.48) fîf% #iï ^y^W^g^ '^^^m 'W'^^ > 
8. iTfTvnï^, 1-1 -40, S. 357. 



K S.V. UNIVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

# (2. 529) I q?^ 3Tîïlf;^5îcfRÎ '^f '^TJf^; ^^F^^^^f^Û^k'^^^ 
lï»î: f^ ^îFcîÇr cî^f^Pct '3TFf^5î^çf =g' (6-1-198) |fè «ris^îï 

?^iirr^^îTî# %ïiçfM^: I 1^ 3 3Tgrrrë2fr% 'aïïT#^^ =^' (8-i-i9) 

'^m\ 'q?T^', 'aT33;Ttf ^IqqT^ré' (8-1-16. 17,18) fcS^IWRTg; I 

f^ # %^'' çcîiïc 1 ?^^%^^%[raqT3r 5iï ^^^ ; fwrs?^ ^ra 

# ^îFq^'3; 1 e«ïï =^ ^: ~ 'îrfcTTOîrtg^Bir^fHisIff^ i^^ ^^9^- 
ïrm5[^TBoi<îtci^^'"' ffg I 3r3ïR# efe qïïp^[R¥f ït^hçrtsî q^îïï?**r: 



9. 3^, 2.1.2, 2. 68. 
iO. ïï^, 2.1.2, g. 6S 



3^^=^ ^%: ^m mm\ ^'î^^^^m^^''^ n\% zr '5-3-71 

ffcT ïîrè g^ ïï ïïqf?î i s^^^q^îRtm qf^HiFî i =î^t î| - '[jg-^H^- 
2T«î' (6-3-66) |f^ ;>j^ |^5?| ^ks^ww^ "î^Tî'^ï f^ firsfm i 

^îff ïRcflfè ^f^HTîî: I # fïï ?Tè 5^, 1 ^m^ #îî ^ ffir 



11- ég^, ï. 493-494 



1< S.V. UNIVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

^Mf:i 3îr=^RRii%#2rrcî '^^m '^^^ïm^^ ^^' #, ^^ 
w^ ^^w. i^; î{%5f3T% I ^^i^ ^m^ mK^^ mm% i m^m, 

îT^gcF^^?5Frr^, ^?f sftîîôjî^^ ^FF^q^i '3F3:?ciF3:5îïqtïrF5iT^ ^r ^^' 

fF% ^î3T^ f FîTî^FôF^ 3T5q2Ft5TFSiïï§qF ^^ R?hî# | SîîrF^^ ^HT^ 
WqHl ^TqsF^spF?: fc2ÏFâ[FSIS3WîïrF% îïF F%ïT: crm^3;ç![^^ ?T^4 ^ 

^^^ 1 T^îR^i^îT |c2tf€t ^?2n%^ërF^fî2ïïJ:qc[çîîç^rci ^xf>ô^ i ^I^tf^ifR 

^^TÇ'ï, I cOTr^H^i%^s>F^îr5îî5Rif F ^^m i sw^^f^^i^ 3 ^^m^- 
^^^^ ¥^m^\ ^^^.^ îRF^r^fe, ^rft ^^f^^ff^tf^s: ^^f ^f 
qïé53Tq;i îïï5«î^^3ïï^ ^^f^tsRi^ iTcf^ 3r53T2fr*rF^=£%^ 25!îg^cfFq:i 
^ ^ - ' 3r52pf;¥rF^«r ' f i;%cf^ ïf^îff^îïi^ i^ çnsfwîîffè ^w^^\ i 
3tbf^ ^gon ^FwTDit a^ep sFîf^^ ]^^^ '^^m^ îfi^ ^fsf^îfcî, I ^mki 



f^Tf^^:^^sqt^fRT2rftcïïïîil wm, ^^wt^[ï^% ^^m- 
H»^ ^„^, ..ft^ ^€. ^^ ^ ^*t*r.«^; I 
gTô2ï2i^rFïiF% ^^ ^% %ë%f^ q %^ I "*r^ %m ?5^rFg^ ^F^ïfFg- 

gpTJT ^^^ïF^ ST^r^îFtïR^îFg;, ^FT^^FF^î^îW 'sfsqsrlfM^: , ïïFcF; , 
3t^q3;:qiîîr;j ffg ^% T^-;[5r^F^TW^F^ l '3î5îi%FnRiCF:' |f f^îsiî 

12. TfflïiTM, 1.1-40, Z- 357. 



^çîff^ (T^^4 flHfïïïcT %r ^îf ifcT ^W: I ^f i^^r^t ^rsîjq^TH 
m^ I 

1^ g cf:^qfq. sf%TTq;rï<ÎTT3itH(TT%f% Wiï"'^ ^^, ÏÏT^^ 1^ f^ïTS- 
ira %^ I" (s- 335) 1% qp^R: ^ f^^^ îTr^TÎ^ I f^ 3 

13. îïIT'TM, ^q'5îTÎ|%, %, 54-55 l 



-1-: S.V. UNIVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

«ïrôf^ îfcfî^ïïqfl^ ÏÏFi5frsfq >MS=5rçr: îTIW Ig ^WiT^ - 

?*it I 3Tr?}s2FPTrir5îiîïï%î^ ^fè gur-- îrr^: ci^r 3Tr?lHrrgeb-<=rra; 

m I m^%^ ^w.^ q^w ^^% èîn-'îï w. i^q^çrôftèr^, sr^tsri^î^r- 
^î¥ 13m: # 5^% goig^fir^ îi^îtr^ ^tt^^jr ^mè \ miiki 

'^^jmlR^fxP:' ,i-l-37) |f^ ^ ^p^3^ |iRR^f%: | 
"f^^ ^r#^'l ^4ît^M ^ »T^, t% ^IWÏ^ 

mm^^'^^% I ^^^-'^^^^^ ,^, ^^^ ^j. _ 

14. flFfl^, L2.28, ^. 336. 



W'miMm^^îi^ ^ " 



fM^; I ^^^ t ^^^' TT 5ifMF^ I 3F^ É 1 ^î^ *^ 1 
^îr ï^cir ?F?TÇf-?^V ïTfisîîeiiT?: , Wm^ ^rs^FÏÏ ?3PTT^ ^ 

15. frUTT^, 1.I-Î7, 1. 342-345. 



'"■ S.V. UNiVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

■^;?ffr?î m ^^^^ ^^^\% 3t^ ? ^^^rîtR ^r^fe^^iï^^i^î^^ ^ 
^ -^T^ïr r^[|: I Wkï-m wm-â.\\ f%%wi=i^ îrsrrîîq; i 3T-«r^ 



^^* ^F^^, 1.1.^:7, çj. !:>4.5^ 
^'^* Ibid,, «^. §44. 



^\ "m, ?i ^■, ^-.mim^ ^\^wm w^K^^m^^i ?5: 
"f^jT^ ^sT^qfot ^m'm m^, ^ =^rfâ[^^ Tsij^ ? w^t ^iî 

^ ^t ^^ ^5m=[: wr^ ^Ti^^ra ira %i: msï^^ 1 ^^^- 
ffôq^ïq;! Wcrra ^i^qî ^ 1^; ^^1 ^^ ^ ^r^'iî^^ta- 

19."qu'^i^^'L1.86. ?. 841. 



'<'^ S.V. UNIVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

(2-2-27) sri^flflëfisi^ I ^w4: '^B^ 'sfforM' ^^ i'^ 
^ff:' 1 %?r5 %7r3 5jCf^ %i g^ Rig %5TT%r5r l 5ro|^o|«r 

^^: n (5. 196) 1% ^^ j^Ts^rfcT i «^4 sïïfîïïff^, gstgfg ft^n^-îîf^ 
^^lïïfôr ^â[T^f^ I '-rag^Ersî^m ^' (2-1-17) ^f^ 7^ ^f^^;^^^ 

WÏÏW^^ %M^' IcSfîf (s. !64J I 

sW55SI%fn;' (5-4-127. |fg j^oy |:^ f^Htl^ I sRîT-^^fR % si^îl:: 
5ÎW% eïïïW^^ # ^gîfî I W^ 'fg[3[<JS5ÏÏI^^2I«î' ,0-4-128; ^% 

^îTRtrf»TTO I fSRîîîït =g feg^ï{*ïf?ï?^?5îi#ïrî^, ïïïï «^ lè^^^îw^ 

M^mFw^^m^ lfg (g. 198; I rT^ mëjmm^^i ^^mi^ 



âfSïïïTfHI^crTJîjI 



«^^'ïfmîî; I '^T^^' (2-1-20) ^g ^fièscim, i mm ^- 
^5tT^, (2-1-9) 5% ?i^^ i^îïï ^wi^fts^ I 5rr^ ^7= ^n^^ ' 

.#er '^^^^m^'S^IÎ: qftniî' (2-1-10) # '^S^^:^ J^^ 
Sq^viiq! Il 



20. ég^, 1- 18S' 



Dr. SUSHAMA KULASRESHTHA 

^j ii^n U^^ P^^^Fîîtîiï ^ïifRF=^ f^sRHFfî^q^ ïtçï'î; I # 



f.v S.V, UNIVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

mïmim^^^¥f g[%£rî ^7<^^ ^m^ ^^] ^^ ff^sf^ f^^ïï^'^ri^ w 

^1: %r ïïit ïï^s^'ci, "ï^îfî^aï §^f«rcîi ïr^ifè, ^î-^ ^ '^ "^^ 
^m ^^mm^'ww[ im^^ î^rspi^ir srifs^ ^\ \ ^r#w^ 

f^ficT^l^ "^ismsm e[sr% arW^ ^^h^ïï^ï =^5il?r 5-gt% !i[f5T^ 
î^R r^îiJr^îiï, î^?ïïïîTfR^ R^^îrâT îiiV'^2ïî?i^ eïï^sqfeèsïT^rg; i" 



5f%^^^ crgqrw^^ af^EfWFï^ m^ 1^: ii b.'.>^ 



R^r^^m ^i^iîf ^rwîi ^f^ ïïiW", 3T|^ ^^T^^ ^mt ^^Hrig %h:5, ^ii'ïï 

^^SfF: %gf: ïîr^Tfqf^p^ 3T^5 ^ %^'^% -ïïTRRt ^^ïîïïfeï 1 W^ 

r^wj^^mM £îf^ ^^oT "Tî^^Fïï: wwm ?Ai^^M I 

fïïîîFr^fcT; m 'nmiï^: ^l^^^ Hr«f^' ^'^^ ^^ -RÏÏ?ï'faïT-7rrî f 



9. ^5r^m - 3T'TT^*Tm: atPerf ^mP-er: #ram ! '^r-'A 



* . Si 



s V. UNIVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 



st, aT-ïïs|-Tfîi mim T^^ï^^ ft^R? ïï^ir^.-jrrarfe f^FT^F^-^r^r i ^^ 

%5Fn- ^m 11 

^^. wîfcîrartîoT; (^^^MST'irîcïO - ^sierra ^.Té^W, f^#t, ?9.£»|o. 



SRI KJ. KRISHNAMOORTHY 



-imiimi Xu ' # WC 



S^^S^"a>cS à^îS,&o §*oe5b. t&?5oo:^S)«'2S5b^ eOsrg;;) "Sûd^o^^ ^osS»^ |oSr»^;fciT, 
;6oî62p^^&) ^/^•Ô'S>à (cultured languages) o^oô^^ %|0» 



rXC.C5;50O. '-dàjT^o^^^'i^ ^^o^^,rè^ ^^a^ ^8^ao SC s5€^ ^«"ô, 

(Litcrary Personality) n-^' ^^^ .t)-"^-Qcâvârô. 

t. 'Justly itis cal led Sanskrit, i.e.perfect, finished' - ScblegeU 

vide. eoii?|?jvâaj^û'd33r*^5i!^Sw. P.Î3. 



2 S.V, UNiVERSiTY ORIENTAL JOURNAt 

piJ^i^. .^Sè eF«e£D S'cXS&CDrr ^Ô o^^Ô l)ô ;5ôà^£:>î6^ li^cf iss^^g^co, 
^ëck> "SœeStô '^à^oo^sp ^sSrCèB^ "BoeT^S â^cref ( |J.^^ 1075-1110) 

^ ea 

w'îSsî (.^|,^.. 1090) s^Qi^O ^^wù^i»:S^ Ksibcsàs^. „ àë'^r^^^cxûè^ ,si)S3^g'D 



ô 9 "^ ■' ^-'' '^ '^^ ^^ -«■ j ^ -- ^^• 



^^ro ( ti.^. 1163 ) ^i^cxx)^ ^ùoto^t^^t). 5S^^: 1^ ^^*;/"' il»:r. 

So^j^è^oi__^ ^Cto-Û es^ST-à* r*SiS3<53; ' T.n'gLir'^» ^ î::^=-o--&-- ■ 
û'îbS'^o.^ï^B^i a^ ^ï^D^ SoûS^ s-^o&. ^o&àsâî, iï-iç-;;ri yl:'..2?- 

Q-„ „.. "^ - • . ' 

êc^S S-oSSx^^â^ è^^-^ ^S8o,-(^co S-S-ècife S3-ô';:^é' ...^Z-r^^it... 

îSi^c3-è3 c35j'Oi«>e^ ^^^ ^or^^ "jaioto S^i^,. ^o&o L-.â.:^-.^^ 

rtesîSe-â^S sre.^c3Sr£)0-S S- cSS,;5b«'2& ^-^«-^^ l=-g^oa;: -^5 
^iï & p.a-i-»&>. ^û .âr=-=ï.- A-i- ••=4°- - -_- ._ _ ,_, 

,.^-:,*«.^. ,=3a«.«s^«K. ,irist„,c..^ ^--î^^f t:: .:.«;' 
,„,=i.: ..8=^.». ..t^«» "'■^^^f "*■... ;,!:.:;A-.:.o..ï.. 



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--' ?d^.-.. ..\S^' ;Sxr^^_^.j^^ 












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c«ôrf^ô-3fi laaOôëod&oo-aîSa i-offi iSoo$,. vide, -da r-,:)s. PP.i>!-82. 



12 S.V. UNIVERSiTY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

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16 S.V. UNÏVERSÏTY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

a^sfèroi^^i^:. iSiê:xo^èo. ffh-^i^a^ ::"lèr-i^':-^, s5?::G§^a'>^' 

^ S^c^cO .t^è"^ 5'D^ S)4S^- ^^T'^'^ cS^oà:^ FSxiéS lsro:>c^^, ^5^tèo 

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c^àë ^t^ê ùë^â:^, ^^^d <ss^o^^ "dà. ^ë& êfcr^^o fi^\ë^:Sëo loôr. 

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18 S.V. UNÏVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

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vide "^4 ?;:o-3ë'. p. 33^ 



20 S.V. UNîVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

Q— c û '^ «a ■ . 

i^M:S^T^oët^ ^ë^ ^o^^ë^gCirû SSj'O' G(S~II c53dS'j^ ^^SPôbàû 

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22 S.V. UiNlVERSÏTY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

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p. 177. 

ij^ ~S>(^r®'ss>é5'â;lx)^ ^^0^60 ^;5^;Soo. Vide. ^'^Drp'0"^-sr»^:Sx>, 
p. 127 & es5baotf;S:o/P, 18. 



eojOb© •^Ôiè^;5ûo- ^^ècc6 ^^:Sûo (1918): -Ù^^j^à bd^i^Ji^^. 
^xorp'Ô f^TT»^:!» (1928): "Séjj^a !S3^?^g'ô' ^i^- 

'B<S ;;3o^ë' (1947]: î5oii s5^â «>^^tp>s5>. 

Hfstory of The Reddi Kingdoms (1948) : M, Somasekhara Sarma. 

-^àTT^^ç) a5Ôf^;5ûo (1981): -ùoù^J-à ^SSoQog ^^- 



Dr. CHANDRA PRAKASH AGARWAL 

■: ■;v^t'^S[r# "T^sT ;%iT ;^T ^^^ q^ mm ^RÎT I, W^ Wf^ s^^ 
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ïïî% €t"5^ ^cT I, 4w ^î ^# ^'inR 

6. i?37 ^iT3| 51^ f%?ç=[T ^^^ i%qHr^ 3îr% g^^ | 

=^T^ ^5 ^^ qjf^^ ;5n%^ f^îf^ q;|cr ^cît| 

7. ST^r flfTcf W ^cT f€T<t, HfK fcfd W^ ^iff l 

1%==^ ^^ % isT q"E?T^, ^^ ^rq- WB ^|! il 

=^xpï^m ^ gxfî #2r ^i^ ^ f^^^r q^ ttI h. . . . 
. . . .^ ^^ # ^^rai^^ fcrfl, # 3n% t%^ ^rf t 

^ôft ^«r^ ^^mr ^'^%, ^^1 ^rm mj^ \ 
"^vn^^ ^ fû ^i^ #, i5f >5i^ 3îï?r-^ ^l^ 

10. ^cT ^t ^1 m M, 3{0 1^ fq^l; ^û ^?ï 



5^ ?n=3^ïï % fsoT H 

"p f^ ^d ^i"t îïïf! 1 ^ ?ïiîr i^î çfti I" 

^f^ 1 1*^ ....^^ ^Tffqt ^ tM im f sflR ^ïî^f^ ^ q^iïï 1 3^ 
^ €\i ^ïï^ ^ îirW ^T ¥\ ^^ ^Fi5T tr sirar 1 2^ f^ % ^rf^Rrp 

ïftHT^ mfior am m # en^ %r q^r^ 

- nfenïT?:, #îî^ mi^ ^sn, gs Ho^ 
12. ^Tf ftïï ^d #3î Ti^, m îh:^ 1^ 5nt 

17. %^ dïï ^ïï^M ïtI, ^'t t^ft 5r^ â*r €r cfR 



i S.V. UNIVERSlTY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

m ^^ w !îjg % cF^ cfjj; ^ % ci^DT ^^ çfîôrr ^ ïîf! Ti=^ ml 
I, è ïTf 3T<Tïîr mK c^îFT si^î 3îT?fT 3ïï?fr ïïj<ï m^m m^ ^ 

=^CDT^ 5lt ^ fifïïr I f% ^ajT ¥rîT-:[[^ sfir^ ^r^ % ^?ft 5§5 ^^ï, ^^ 
l'^ (^# îife) ^ ^"Tor ^^\ %r, firfRT ^î^r^ ïï^ti sft % gw ^sr 

^{Di^RT ^ e?^ t.... qi §5iîr^r m ^^^ ^^r ^ i^° ....^srr^q- w^j 
"^m fïï^îT fçt^ ïï tmr 1 1 ^^^^ f.^ ^^^ ^ % w.^ ^ ç75t 

1 1^^ ....fç^ q- ^siF ^jwr ffrçf^ % çfîTïf ^srr ^^^ % =^çot çq^ 
^i^ I gf^^ ^^ ïï ^T % =^{0? fT^ ^ ^ HF^r ^# f 1^^ .... 

i8. . ïïq- et ^5n g^ lïïKt m* 3îT?T ^T4r 

19. 5[Rr ??5# ^^^rsrrçr Isft, i-^Tf?r % îrtrf 

^ rlRJ% ?jrâ^ <t, 3Rt |5fr 3Tq% f&îT % ^I5î 

5^5it iTfî ^5iTt ^, mj |# iHcT srf tfi5r 
. . . .51^ ^^ 31% îàtijîr ^, 3î<t |çfr ^èfr '^^ xi^ 
Tl T# ^^ «r%fr, 3ÎÛ Isfr 51^ Bteïïr s^tît 

S!T^ W?l ?rrâf ïf ^ î'ïTT îîpfr cTW - ^^ ,, v«,s 

20. qTi% 3T?^T- 5rR %;t anq- ^ ^"r 5^ 
rfrcw M 3^ 5n'T, ^ flr# ^^trfr f^r^r 
>% Trè s»? fèqro:, ir^ if^ g^rw î^ 
3f 1% ^^ Tte ^<_ srd ^çfïît qr^ cnft 

5fT g:*)îr q^: sfT M çf^T ^!|# qfi Er<t - ,, „ 1° i. 

21 . cT^fr T^ qff ^^ % 3mr%, ^r^sr ^"îi ^5 qrer ?rf| ^f çr% 1 
t^ îTr^ % ôfr^r m^ ^^ ftt 

32. 5% ^ q-f «Tîîi ti% srfg^j^ #, ^çr ^sr^ ^t ^ ^1 ^hr ^ 1 
'ï^^ fK i?nT ^îî # ïfrîT f^^rt, Ti'SRî ^ ^t sk q- fe: ^^^ \ 

. m ^ ^^^ ;^W ?-qTïr ïl^r^ #, ^ f R qpT % ^^ 5fw î^TR^ ^ 

...3î% sîir^ ^ gpT qfr i^w^T %, ^n lïï W ^5r 5rt ^fè ^ïï % t 



mm^ ^^m im^i ^i ^ f ^fi^ m ^^^ m m^^ 

23. çf^ f^ % wf^m^ t^î f ^m?^, ^^ ^ft^ % fq- €r ^1 ^î^ I 

25. um ^^ S3ïï^ ^a^ 3Tr*T^T^, H5îf^ ^^^ ^^r i|% ^ ^a^f 

26. 3fr^ g^d ïftrl ^^ f%cT ^^ %, f*r ^% t a^r «tt^ ^tiïï % *tr % 

27. ^^TT^^ #îT ftsr % gîT ^, ^t^ t ^ftcîK ^fRcT % m^ 

g*T ^5 'ij^ ^*T f^^ ^^W ft, «ÎK ^ ï^refR m^ % HTR Çt 

'TK ^ îTîj; tr f^ % w^> ^ ^^ ^ ^^ 3^ î ?^ ' 

28. ^# % ^3: îïït ^ ç^ ^î^ ^, % qr^ ^IcT 3H ^^ ^T?? ^ 
m^ # ^#^ ^ft qi^R% gw 5fK f g ^ fî% f|cr mkm \ 

— ^rferFTi, qw 'i^^. 

29. * f 8 g^ ^ ^^ H^T ^ gïT ^ I ^*T w 5Rr ^ S f 5 *î^ îf îîd 



c S.V. UNIVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

^?rr ^ ^ 'h w^\-^^ ^^^^ wm^cm ^ft i^^ 

fçt^ ^ fcor ^qr % çîT^ f^^FT^ 5^ =qè- siTïï 1,^^ 3^ f^ 

^^Twe f ?T5r'^, çffeîH \ 'mm il 

'ïïi^ ïTR ^ ^jqroîiï ïï 2îf ^M »TR- 3[r# ïTR % ^«r ïï ttôt^^ to 
30.: ^ M 5PÎ Cr t ^fw fm^Tf^c I, îïïîr Trè t f^ % ^ ^ 1 1 

31. âff ^ €f 5^ ï^ ^ sîT^lt 

" — ïriWi^R:, qg >i'^\. 

32. 3H »Tt ^7£rr%^ 17^^ sïï^ïrr, # s^r ^çf |^ ^- ^ ç^f ^rr i 

. ■ ■ — HfeçTTin:, qg uy,^. 

33- . ^^snq.eri, î^Rî g>Ttît ^t^ t, f% t%r: 5î^ fTcr sir^rcî g-| stW 1 1 
' ■ • ■ ■ — *ri%çn»R, q-g m'iv. 

- 34- ' 1^ fs^ '3'ÇT ^ q5[irï »T%, #, KHt q-5^ ^«T^ ffm^ I 

— »Ti%)çn'n:, qg yt^v. 



5^ grsi^rg % f^ "^ 

1 1 =^^^RT ^ m ^m^^ ^^ 1 1 ?T^r 3fk '^ir siM 1 1 

5f2 ôTJEfii 3î2 ^ ffïT Tiff I 

W^ ^^ï ^^^{ ^^, w^^ w^^ W^ f^5^ n \ 
m^ |ôïï^ c^cf s^ran:^, tîs ^r^^ ^^^r ^If?: ^^rrl i 

W^ W^ W ^^''T^, cfRÏÏ ^ ^ f^ fèïït I 

^mm ^f^ ^ 3;!^?:, ^r^ ^ fer # m]^ w \ 

«ît ^îirsfTl ^ "^2ïï %Hr" îïïH^ îRî fèrwr 11 f?i^ ic^ ^^wi 
" ^ qïï «iïï " 1 1 ?F^ m mit\ %^^^^ ^ ^ ^r*^ 

ERr fr| ^T ^foTcî tr, fe^s ^'î^ ^ qf îrî swsï^" îf^ 1 1 



-10 S.V. UNIVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

f!f^ % f^ar ïï ?î^ Ç^î 2(5^ I 



«\-^ 



qsîfi4 ^5[v^PT -Rî^ q- ?F=i?î ^cvac ït f^rf^ ^^ f^r ^tt i ^tb îfst 
ît "5? sppgfcî m 3FT" "çïïHi 3|Tr" "^ sfîT" srk "$t ^tït" | i 

SflM ^ I 1-^5 ....fer %fïî % ^cT ïfft Tfcft I I ïl^ îTrTT^ 5I5t 

■R ti% ^ ^vfr 5^ fj tr 5tT^ 1 1"'' 

^ra^^ ^ ?ft pur w mt^ ^ ^^ %rû ^ ^ ^% î^çtïï 
^ 1 1 

37. ^?3ïïiT, ïRT 3i^, qs ^vv. 

i^Tsf'ft g^ ^ ^^mïï ^K ïip çTî^l I lit 
-... 8!HfR:^9rToil-?^Rrî%cTq^;é^ïïï "^^ «TS 3o-^v 

39. ^e^ #8(Toît, q^ g^^ To^ qg ^=,_ 



^ 3if^r ^cp^ gïj^ ^cfjf^ 3Fg^sqf^ Irïï^ 1"'^ 

% è ^ '^Wï t ^ I ^"3^ ^ îTt i^ ^ïïl^ t'^^ 

" -^[5^ tïn sft gîT^ w^^ f^imwï I ^ «w cf^ ^ 

1 1 îsFr^R)- ^ - ^# ^feïïT f3[5îi Ef^ 3J5^ (tH^ wm WP^ ^ 

w^m 5fî ^ aïïfr ^ - % it S2ïï^ {|^ ^ snrîTT, t ^ g^ >Tm ît 

4 1 . %^$î=3r R^iRt" îr|7^ ^srgcf sb^'T i 



42. ^m «*cî-«r<!î, qg T^-T^. 

43- » „ „ 1^- 

44- » >j » ^"i- 



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fè^ I :- 

"3T?rîîR ^T hr; srfi srt% fra ^rw^ f^ %r: I"*^ 

®rpt îR5ft |5^ q^tl"^^ 

??î ^«^-^sn ^ ^ %5ïï^ ?ftfGnr est ^Ti^FîT ir^i 1 1 
"f%?r ft^TK ^Treîiï ^ I '^ïm■m t^^r ^î^ ôft^t i""^^ 

"«ft ^r^ ^M l%^3î HTR ïï ^ff eïïq IwTfra ijïR ^m f^ 
ïR te îR te^ tRïî fqr^ ^33^ Il 

fcoT ^W ^fl a[3^ f^ ^«ajr ^3^ jp^^ l|49 

^ Tcii^ïï ^*r fq^îr ^ ^?tî ^ï^qr cft^ 1^" 



45. „ „ „ ^"^. 

46. „ „ „ 10=1. 

4-8. „ „ „ VH-v%. 

51. „ „ „ '^\^. .. 



5^ ^îl^q ^ fsoT ^^ 

"«Tir qiCf VTî^ STt^ qï^, ^ 3TZ% ^ ^fçpïï l" 

T«r ^ # ?[f^ I f^ %, ^Hrr %^ f^O i^^ 

3T^ ^t i^cî ^ïT W TFft I. . . 

5fî 5R^ Sfî^'t C5? 3î?çR Îî5f è §^ ïrft l^'* 

3TM ^ra % WR ^% ^ w^^^fl I.... 

I fïïÇiK î^W m^ ^ i f^îl ^FT ^ I 
^^ q- IFT ^ 5RÎ ^î Ij ^cf îft^^î »52îfq ^ |56 

^^?ï^ % "Ttî ïï f^fir^r srq^ cr ïï*îr a^ fwr ^ ^Ht i;^ 

^T^ t ^gf te % r^fïï^ i^qf ^ TO ferai 1 1 

S^qïï ^ qzfr qq^ î^nwr ^^m f^%i \" 
^ ^ ïïsn^^ ?ï?î ^ t :- . 



52. 


^^ 


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53. 


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S.V. UNIVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 



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m^ m ^^ ^^ ^M #, g^ qfèrfrft i^^ 

'^ôT û # ^ ^^ ^ ^^ =^5r^ i^^î 3îf^ fï ^ îf? I - ; 

srrsr ^m w^ # p^ %Tt ^[ïïf^^^t % g^ f^ qr f^ ^ 
I ?ft ?T5rr 'rnïï -^Éi % ^ïït ^ ^nmn t.... 

wf^5t % ^5r lïïtn:?: ^f^ ^ #1 çff^ît 1 
^^^ % ^ ^ ^ %i?T ïïïir ^t 11^^ 

fî?l^ ^ CR % ^îîH "T1I%| I 



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60. 




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61. 




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62. 




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6}- 




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^5R % wïïè- rr 5[i% ^ ï^ ^^, 

ÏÏ^ ÏÏ ^ ^ôr sfî< gïïôf ^ ÔTcïT ïT^ ^ %5t I :- 

■sïï^r ewî ^t ^^r *i¥î ïï l^ ^^ fq;% "^n^ 1 1 
f« fff iter ^?î 3Tr^t û, ïï^ ^ïT ^ i^îêîïï i^^ 

I I =îr^OT^^ CÎ5T ?î# ^ t ?fl5RCDT ^Tïï sïïfêîH ïft ^5?HT | I |îï% 

«rt spî îtr^? % ^îî % q^ ^ stm f%^ a^ ^p?t «nw % 

^^Tf^ 5TO |f% I :- 

3ÎR #r| ^ sjwt tî s^^iïïT/. . 

^ 5IRÎ I çiw % qtè 5t^ ïtT^ 3^r>T 1 



64. 


OT^ i^ï^TwiSr, 'p i^<î. - 


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S.V. UNIVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 



^r^r^^ % ^^ îi%^ f^^cr ^ çf^ éft 1 
^^ HT^^ çFs^ çf%ïï îiR^ ^m ^^ eint i^^ 

«ft '^'em m^ mK ^^ ^"^ 

^5r ^\ 5^ ïRr 5rr^ ^thr^î «^^t fq^ii ^ w^r 

'Rë5%t fRÎÎ I - 

"WM 'ïïl^" ^ 3^ ^t ^^ liW 5^ 5iîl P2 



67. 
68. 

69. 

70. 
71. 
72. 



>> >} >> ^ • 

W. 



t^m ^^ 1 1^^ ....^^ ^ïït ^% ^^r ^jeT^- 1 1^^ ' 

It^T 1 1 ^^^J 5ft sR^t f cor ^ %? ïï è è^l" I ^ ^^1 «ïï^ t 
S^: 1^1% ^ïï# Il . . .^ m^mt % M^jïïï I ^ f^ i^ 
% fèr% %5r^ f^t=^ ^1 ^^^j^ 1 1^5 

7?, ^kR mé, m^^ ^ï v^ m^ % 7?, T.^m ^>ïï ^ wr 

73 . là 3ïï^ s^^ ^^ îîffTf ^^ M I ^fT I 

''T.m ^^ m 4Ht ^fî ^R ^^ % f- ^?n ... 

74. ^^cT SfîîTîîT T^îT l^RcT m ^^ f^ |¥m^# l ' "- 

#1 i^V ^in(t c^nû ^\m #5 jfR 

75. #^ 5BJ%3n t 'tT^ ïît^ ^î ^^FfT 1^^ 1^^ I 

''m^ ïTTf <t'' %4 ^i"^ §^ 3ÏÏ 11- €r ^f^=^% i 

THcf 2T#^T ^^ sfrfcT ^ ê'a:? ^ mi^ \ 
€^^ îTïp7 ^=g^ ^^'t i%^fr ^^'r af% ^n^ r 



«ii S.V. UNIVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

i ér ^^l ^t ^ ^]^ ^^, ^^ ^ gfîT^ f^ ^% # 
ïrsrq ^'?; ^rt %, |i ^?|^ ^ %, ;îqm ^ ^t ^, ïh 
^îT ïW ^ sfià- sn^r gj^ ?j^ SRT %^ 3ïï^ 1^ 

"^Sjl C2ÎRÎ" ^t ^ïHÏÏÇRr ^ lïïîR ^Cl ^ 5ïRfT I I 

"Is ^îî |5Fcr qïlîl IR, ^Rî *RÎ ^ gji^ fqq c^ift I 

^rq^TïJ Bîsîîîjq ^ejrjîft ^ ^ f^ fîr^4 <R qf^ I f% 1^ ÇFîT^ 

76. Ml =^^?rmci Iwr^ i^nîtm, qg y^, <T«[ Hii. 

77. ^ fi^ # *rfe îsird 1 1 



5^ ?rfïr^R % fwr ^^ 

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^P^ Wïï I I 

y. «ftîî5;rïïfcî ^ ^fe ^^h t^ #r ^^(^ qjt ^f^ ^t p çp^^ ^ 
"^cw ^Hi q;f sftsi^ ^fiîDT 3îîf^ qfr çfî^i^ ïiM trai I ! m 
^£T^ ^ «fi^w ^ =€r f^ êft^T, ^M ^'l^r, ^m^ ^tm, 
m^ îiïSFT ^t^r ^ fçt^r 5ft^ 3ïïf^ ^^iR ïTO 1 1 

^ wi ?^ 1 1 
I^ttIi 



\° 



S.V. UNIVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 






OUR CONTRIBUTORS 

L Prof, T. Kodandaramaîah 



2. Sri D, Satyanarayana 

5. Dr. R. S. Betaî 

4. Arati Mitra 

5. Dr. Banî Chakravorthy 

6. Dr. P. SrîramamUrti 

7. Dr. N. Subbu Reddîar 

8. Sri K. N. Srinîvasan 

P. Dr. Umakant Thakur 

10. Sri Mîthîlesh Chaturvedî 

IL Prof. V. Perumal 



Professer of Telugu, 
Madurai University, 
Maduïiai-2. 

Librarian, 

Kendriya Sanskrit Vidyapeetha, 

TiRUPATI. 

. Reader in Sanskrit, 
Gujarat Vidyapith, 
Ahmedabad-14. 

Lecturer in Sanskrit, 
Krishnagar Women's Collège, 
143, Raja Rajendralalmitra Road, 
Calcutta-IO. 

Lecturer in Sanskrit, 
11, Kalikumar Lane, 
Calcutta-2. 

Reader in Sanskrit, 
Andhra University, 
Waltair. 

Head ofthe Department of Tamil, 
S.V. University, 

TiRUPATL 

Advocate, 

"Mampaduka", 

Seshadripuram, 

TlRUCHIRAPALLI-6. 

St. Joseph's Collège, 
Darjeeling (W.B.), 

5/13, Roop Nagar, 
Delhi-7. 

Director - Research Project, 
K. G. R First Grade Collège, 
OoRGAUM, Kolar Gold Field, 
Karnataka State. 



lî 



12. -Dr., s ^ G.- Mûgke 



13, Sri if. F. Ramagopal 



14. Sri B, F. Srlnîvasa Rao 



15. Dr, Bîswanath Bhaîtacharya 



16. Dr. V, Krîshnaswamy lyengar 



17. Dr. (Miss) Sushama Kulshreshtha. 



I8\ Sri K J. Krishna Moortky 



19: j)r. Chandraprakash Agarwaï 



... Lecturer in Sanskrit^ 
Elphînstone Collège^ 

BOMBAY-32. 

... Senior Instructor in Painting, 
Govt. School of Arts & Crafts, 

KUMBAKONAM, 

Tanjore District. 

... Head of the Dept. of History, 
First Grade Collège, 

OORGAUM, 

K.G.R (Karnataka). 

•.. Adhyapaka in Sanskrit, 
Vidyabhavana, 
Visvabharati University, 
Santiniketan, West Bengal. 

... Reader, 

Central Hindi Institute, 
Agra-5. 

,, Senior Lecturer in Sanskrit, 
Danlat Ram Collège, 
University of Delhi, 
Delhi. 

.., Lecturer in Telugu, 
S.V.U.O.R. Institute, 

TiRUPATI. 

-.. Ex-Magistrate, 
Kedarnath Street, 
Farrukhabad (U.P.)* 



PUBLICATIONS OF 
S.V. UNIVERSITY ORIENTAL RESEARCH INSTITUTE 

TIRUPATÏ 

The following is ths list of publications available for sale at priées 
mentioned against them. S.V. University Oriental Journal is the only 
multi-lingual publication. It contains articles in English, Sanskrit and 
Telugu. In some of the numbers articles in Tamil or Hindi also are 
published. 



S . No , Particulars of Work Price 

Rs. Ps. 

1. S.V. University Oriental Journal Vol. I Parts 1 & 2 (Î958) 10-00 

2. ~do- VoL Vïlî Parts 1 & 2 (1965) 10-00 

3. -do- VoL IX Parts 1 & 2 (1966) 10-00 

4. -do- Vol. X Parts 1 & 2 (1967) 10-00 

5. -do- Vol. XI Parts 1 & 2 (1968) 10-00 
'6. -do- VoL XII Parts 1 & 2 (1969) 10-00 

7. -do- Vol. Xill Parts 1 & 2 (1970) 10-00 

8. -do- VoL XIV Parts 1 &2 (1971) 15-00 

9. -io- Vol. XV Parts 1 &' 2 (1972) 15-00 
*10. «do- VoL XVI Parts 1 & 2 (1973) 15-00 

11. Gajagrahanaprakâra of Nârâyana Dîksita 

Edited with Introduction by 

Prof. E.R. Sreekrishna Sarma, m. A., rh.D. 1968 2-50 

12. Apdninîyaprâmâriyasâdhanam of Nârâyana 

Bhattapâda 

Edited with Introduction, English 

Translation and Notes by 

Prof. E.R. Sreekrishna Sarma, M.A.,Ph.n. 1968 0^75 

13. Kavyamrtam oF S. îvatsallHchana 

Edited with Introduction by 

Dr. K.S. Ramamuni, m. a., ph.D. 1971 3-25 

14. Kamalâvilâsabhâna of Nârâyanakavi 

Edited with lutroduciion by \ - 

Dr. K.S. Ramamurti, M A., Ph.D. - 1971 0-50 



* Proceedings of the Sé.ninar oa 'Andhràs' Contribution to Indian 
Culture'. 



11 

15. Vijayavikramavyâyoga of Aryasûrya 

Edited with Introduction by 

Dr. K.S. Ramamurti, m.a., ph.D. 1972 1-00 

16. Vedâîîtasâracintamani of Si tarama sas tri 

Edited with întroduction by 

Dr. M.S. Narayanamurti, m.â., Ph.D. 1973 2-00 

17. Pâdukâpattabhïsekam of Nàrâyanakavi 

Edited with latroduction by 

Dr. K»S. Ramamurti, M. A., ph d. 1974 2-50 

18. Pradyumnacaritramu (Telugu) of Muppirala 

Subbarayakavi 

Editçd with latroduction and Notes by 

Prof, J. Chenna Reddy, M. a., Ph.D. 1975 6-25 

19. An Alphabeticâl Index of Sanskrit, Telugu 

and Tamil Manuscripts (Palm-leaf and Paper) 

in the Sri Venkateswara University Oriental 

Research Institute Library, Tirupati. 1956 lO-OO 

FORTHCOMING PUBLICATIONS 

20. Krsnavilasa (a Kâvya in 11 caritos) of Punyakbti 
with Vyâkbyâna 

Edited with Introduction by 
* Dr. K.S, Ramamurti, M.A.,Fh.0. 

21. SrtiraSjanl -.A Commentary on the Gïtagovinda 
of Jayadeva 

Edited with Introduction by 
Dr. K.S. Ramamurti, m.a., ph.D. 

1. Ali the above Publications are now supplied only on pre-payment 
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2. A Trade discount of 25% is allowed to ail the Registered Book- 
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3. The annual subscription rates of the S. V. University Oriental Journal 
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N.B. : The foreîgn rates of volumes I to. XIII are 20 Sbilliiftgs or 
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Statement of oweershlp unà other partkttlars aboit 
Sri Venkateswara Universîty Oriental Journal 

FORM IV 
(See Rïile No. 8) 



1* Place of publication 



2. Periodicity of its publi- 
cation 

3. Prînter's name 



Nationality 
Address 

Publisher's name 

Nationality 

Address 



5. Editor's name 
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Name and address of 
individuals v^ho own 
thé perjodic.al.- 



Sri Venkateswara University Oriental 
Research Institute, Tirupati, 
Andhra Pradesfa. 

Half Yearly. 



-Dr. MJ. Kesava Murthy, M.sc, Ph.D. 

Registrar-in-charge, 

S. V. University, 

Indian. 

S. V. University Press, 
Tirupati. 

Prof. J. Chenna Reddy, m.a., Ph.D. 

Indian. 

Director, 

S. V. U. O. R. Institute, 

Tirupati. . ^ ' 

Prof. J, Chenna Reddy, m.â., Ph.D. 

Indian. . - 

Director, / ^ ^ 

S. V. U. o. r: Institute,: v 

Tirupatî. ^ - -~ . ; 

Sri Venkateswara University,, - 
Tirupati. 



I, Prof. X Chenna Reddy, hereby déclare that the patticulars.giveii 
above are trué fo , the best of my kno Wledge and b^lîef :; ^ ; ' 



- j: GHBNNA''RE0,I)Y/; 
^ 'JPubïfsher.: V.- -. 



SRI VENKATESWARA UNIVERSITY 

ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

.TIRUP ATI 

1. The Journal is the officiai organ of the Sri Venkaîeswara University. 

2. Each volume of the Journal appears in 2 Parts — Part 1 in June and 
Part 2 in December. 

3. Contributions on indological subjects and oriental culture are 
accepted from the reputed scholars mainly in three languages - 
English, Sanskrit and Telugu. 

4. Each contribution must be legibly and clearly written or typewritten 

on only one side of the paper and sent made completely press ready. 

5. The Editor reserves to himself the right ofaccepting, rejecting or 
modifying any contribution received for publication. Contributors 
are advised to keep copies of their articles as the editor does not 
undertake the responsibility to return the rejected articles 

6. Every author will receive 25 ofF-prints of his or her article free of 
charge besides a copy of the issue of the Journal contai ning that 
particular article. 

7. Books on Indology in English, Sanskrit, Dravidian languages and 
Hindi are reviewed in the Journal. Two copies of the books 
intended for review are to be sent to the Editor. 

8. Ail enquiries and communications regarding the editing and publish- 
ing of the Journal should be addressed to 

The Editor, 

S. V. UNIVERSITY ORIENTAL JOURNAL 

TIRUPATÏ-5i7502 

(Andhra Pradesh), South ïndia. 



Piinted hy : The Rcgistrar-in-charge, S.V. UT}iversity at the S.V. University Press^ 
Tirupati, 30-10-1975, 300 copies. 

PîihUshedby: Prof. J. CHENNA REDDY, M.A,, Ph,D., Dirsctor, S.V- Universiiy 
Oriental Research Instiîute. Tirupati.